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面对新的情报机构：
Lessons from the Colorado Experience

Loring Wirbel
（719）481-3793或（719）481-3698
[email protected]，[email protected]
邮件：邮政信箱盒829
纪念碑，CO 80132

飞机采取了西北偏北途径进入掘金的新的国际机场经常将飞越怪异的白色物体集群奥罗拉郊区是国防情报局的马戏团帐篷木构建筑的对手折衷性质。几个100英尺的白色圆顶已经在平原丹佛以东默默发芽，通过像今年在一个奶牛场蘑菇增加他们的人数一年。

自从巴克利空军国民警卫队场成为一个主要美国情报基地的25年中，天线罩已被添加到第六大道现场奥罗拉与当地居民的进制哗然。类似圆顶现在美国联邦航空管理局的空中交通控制网络的常规部分，并且将有很少的原因为公民怀疑巴克利“高尔夫球”服务不是一种良性的目的以外的任何其他。

But thanks to a three-year campaign by Colorado Springs-based Citizens for Peace in Space and the American Friends Service Committee in Denver, local citizens are aware that the radomes form the front line of a new direction for the U.S. intelligence community. Buckley is the primary Western Hemisphere facility in a new network of intelligence processing stations called "Regional SIGINT Operations Centers." The base is acknowledged to serve as a processing center for early-warning satellites watching for missile launches, but actually spends the bulk of its time downloading and processing communications intelligence collected by satellites.

在秘密基地这双重作用类似于20世纪90年代，美国情报界的双面性 - 而显然，供应稳定的利益，机构经常侵犯公民自由和使不稳定的军事学说。情报机构，一旦由中央情报局的隐蔽有心计为主，现在主要是由高科技监测由国家安全局和国家侦察局建立的网络控制。

Most U.S. citizens, including many arms control advocates, assume the missions of NSA and NRO are far more benign than those of the CIA. If the agencies' missions matched the public goals of being the "national technical means of verification" for arms control treaties, this might be true. But three years of probing by CPIS and AFSC, with the help of national organizations like the Federation of American Scientists, have convinced organizers that the agencies' primary post-Cold-War missions are coordinating war-fighting plans, and listening in on civilian and commercial communications.

“该机构可能是秘密的，但他们却为他们好战的本性没有秘密，” CPIS总监Bill Sulzman说。Sulzman，一位前牧师，并在科罗拉多斯普林斯地区星球大战任务的长期敌人，指向“空间大师”标志骄傲地由美国太空司令部设在彼得森空军基地在科罗拉多斯普林斯显示。

"NRO officials always talk of providing real-time intelligence for war-fighters," Sulzman said. "They openly admit to expanding their missions to include civilian monitoring, in order to keep their same bloated size now that the U.S.'s primary adversary has withered away. People only maintain myths about technical intelligence because they're not listening to what is being said very openly."

Denver AFSC organizer Tom Rauch sees many similarities between the Rocky Flats nuclear weapons plant and Buckley Field. In both cases, a federal facility grew over a 20-year period under a cloak of intense secrecy, with virtually no input or comprehension by local citizens. Buckley Field opponents in the 1990s, like Rocky Flats opponents in the early 1970s, faced citizens who had a hard time grasping the real problems represented by the facilities. With Buckley, there is the added problem of few health aspects associated with the operations of the intelligence base, unlike the very real dangers of plutonium linked to Rocky Flats. Instead, opponents need to make citizens aware of the doctrinal and civil liberties issues that make Buckley and similar facilities a concrete danger.

由美国政府机构全球智能扩展对科罗拉多州的一个非常实际的影响。巴克利现在是丹佛大都会地区的主要雇主，与负责比基本公共战术空军司令部部分远远更多的就业机会的基础上的分类航天数据设施部分。该Denver Business Journalestimated in April that classified intelligence spending by NSA and NRO in Colorado may exceed $3 billion annually. Support facilities for Buckley include Falcon Air Force Base east of Colorado Springs, which performs intelligence "fusion" missions; Lockheed-Martin's Waterton Canyon plant in southwest Denver, which builds spy satellites and Titan-4 rockets; Peterson Air Force Base, the headquarters of the Space Command; and the aging North American Aerospace Defense Command inside Cheyenne Mountain west of Colorado Springs. Another Air National Guard base outside Greeley, Colorado, is receiving many mobile satellite reconnaissance troops formerly housed at Holloman Air Force Base in New Mexico, part of a mission to make the Colorado Front Range a "center of excellence" for technical intelligence.

没有这样的机构

Although a continuous series of scandals have kept NSA and NRO in the media spotlight over the last five years, it is not surprising that most citizens remain unaware of their existence, due to the agencies' legacies of secrecy. The ignorance is widespread, despite the fact that both organizations are far larger than the better-known CIA.

NSA was formed by a secret executive order signed by President Harry Truman in November 1952. The agency, which evolved from the small and specialized Armed Forces Security Agency, remained a virtual unknown until 1956, when rumors of its new headquarters at Fort Meade, Md. were carried in press reports of a spy scandal. NSA's acknowledged mission of performing information security and signals intelligence does not carry great meaning for most citizens. Because the business of making and breaking secret codes involves arcane mathematical theories totally removed from most folks' daily experiences, the press was content to let NSA remain secret until 1960, when two gay NSA analysts defected to the Soviet Union with shocking reports about the real business of the agency.

虽然国家安全局负责制定的大部分方向为美国计算机行业在上世纪50年代，为了有平台密码破译优化，该机构的主要支出从来没有涉及的信息安全。取而代之的是，国家安全局的大部分时间都在20世纪50年代在全球使命扩大美军基地，在原子能委员会和战略空军司令部代表的后尘。

以同样的方式，许多国家成为核武器基地的主机没有当地居民的知识，一些相同的国家建立致力于绝密情报任务的几个美军基地。苏联，如土耳其，希腊，挪威和巴基斯坦的周边国家，是主人到几个分类天线和雷达站点。

在大多数情况下，地方议会和人大没有投入建立这些基地，这是在主办国国家安全局，白宫和同情总统或总理的代表中制定的条约。为了这一天，议会的成员，即使是在工业美国的盟国英国，通常有基地内踏足没有权利或询问有关他们的目的行政部门的问题。

大基地附近的居民将给予绰号比较明显设施。巨大的圆形设置的天线阵列，由美国军方的“喇叭形-9”系统知，被邻居戏称为“大象笼”，由于天线包围的广阔的圆形区域。早期的网站使用多个天线罩，如Edzell在苏格兰和Menwith希尔在英国，被称为“上帝的高尔夫球”的网站。

NSA在建立全球网络的目标是无外乎维护能够拦截感兴趣的美国政府的任何通信的24小时，全球智能系统。当美国和苏联在相互保证毁灭核武器的政策依赖，这样的网络可能被看作是必要的。但是，从成立伊始，国家安全局解释其使命，包括在美国国内通讯的拦截规则，根据与代码名称，如三叶草和Gamma方案。在1975年的情报界的国会探头，国家安全局承诺不拦截国内流量，但承诺包含漏洞大，足以使所有的承诺，但毫无意义。

CPIS的Sulzman警告说，在美国，太多的公民自由提倡者使国内外拦截这是不公平的本质区别。他认为，“虽然这是确定一下什么是国家安全局在家里做，我们应该自然而然地认为任何拦截网络是自动接受的设立仅仅因为它是在一个遥远的国度？”

多年来，国家安全局在分配预算喜爱的分类预算情报界的国会，其年度支出仍然大致相符每年$ 3.7十亿。但在1960年成立了国家侦察局的设置了新的空间情报局成为块上最挥霍花钱的阶段。

NRO开始作为一个虚拟的纸机构，以协调美国中央情报局，国家安全局和空军太空与导弹系统组织的太空任务。即使在今天，NRO比成千上万的人在该领域真正的机构更多的是预算管理的。然而，它每年花费$ 6.2十亿卫星上的美国公民一无所知的类。

从时间肯尼迪总统分类关于在20世纪60年代初的美国间谍卫星任务的所有信息，分析师们不得不做出摄影和雷达成像卫星的进化的猜测。早期的系统使用从卫星被喷出，因为它们重新进入气氛胶卷筒。该罐不得不与他们背后的大网，外部的任何公共知识进行了苛刻和严格的任务配备专机受到阻碍。

Later photographic satellites turned to real-time electronic imaging of the planet, sending their information down to ground bases. As new photographic satellites like Big Bird and Keyhole were deployed, new bases such as Pine Gap in Australia were established to serve as the downlink for such satellites.

成像侦察卫星在驳斥所谓的“导弹差距”与苏联方面发挥了更大的作用，并在记录中程导弹转移到古巴在1962年10月，比当时被确认。他们继续在20世纪60年代期间发挥在越南和中东危机方面发挥主要作用。然而，国家侦察局的缩写从未公开过。该机构的存在才开始在80年代中期被传言，它的存在并没有解密直到1993年。

近年来，国家侦察局的有一系列的研讨会和文件描述早年的成像卫星计划的上市。通常，成像和红外卫星被认为是最可防御和稳定体系通过NRO运行，因为它们的主要目的是映射公开物理行为，从而提供了条约验证的基础。

But beginning in the early 1970s, the core missions of the NRO began to turn away from imaging, and toward serving the NSA with space-based communications intelligence, something much harder to doctrinally justify as defensive. One strategy in moving many signals intelligence resources to space was to avoid turmoil in land-based facilities. It is no accident that this trend arose as developing-nation liberation movements were in their heyday. The NSA had to cope with revolts at bases in Thailand and Vietnam in the waning years of the Vietnam War. And prior to the main hostage crisis in Iran in 1979, a smaller hostage crisis had arisen in February 1979 over NSA agents held prisoner at bases in Kabkan and Klarabad, Iran.

High-tech advocates in the Ford and Carter administrations promoted the shift of signals intelligence resources to space. The program began with low-orbit satellites with short lifetimes, under the Jumpseat and Farrah/Raquel programs of the 1970s. Some listening satellites were launched as "piggybacks" to photographic spy satellites, while some were given launch vehicles of their own.

早期的实验成功的说服了空气Force and NSA that a good deal of communications intelligence could be moved to space. Plans for multibillion-dollar geosynchronous satellites (residing at 24,000-mile orbits where they "hover" over one location in synchrony with earth's orbit) were set in motion, with funds for the satellites hidden as part of Reagan's budget-busting arms buildup. Originally, these satellites were supposed to be the primary user of a special launcher to be carried in the bay of the space shuttle, a system called the Inertial Upper Stage. Under the original plans of having the shuttle serve as the key national-security platform launcher, Falcon Air Force Base east of Colorado Springs was to serve as the Consolidated Space Operations Center, the core downlink for classified programs of the shuttle.

1986年挑战者号灾难改变了这些计划。缩手猎鹰的使命发送的科罗拉多斯普林斯经济陷入混乱（并间接导致了基督教福音派组织在城市的扩散，因为城市资助萨尔瓦多波马尔基金会使用的猎鹰裁员的借口发起一项运动，招募福音派团体以“多元化”的经济）。科罗拉多温泉的损失意味着收益丹佛，因为空军决定在大的国家安全负载切换到泰坦IV火箭，马丁·玛丽埃塔西南丹佛建。认识到泰坦-IV，这个国家最大的运载火箭，已完全用于分类的有效载荷的目的是很重要的，并且在1997年10月即将举行的有争议推出的卡西尼号太空探测器将在第一时间泰坦IV将已经使用了公认的使命。

在期间里根时代开始智能平台的转变与手的一个有用的花招所提供的技术情报界在社会主义世界在1980年代末崩溃。苏联信号情报机构，包括GRU和KGB的一个特殊分支，已经过度扩张，甚至之前，柏林墙的倒塌。1989年后期和1991年8月的强硬政变之间，在诸如金兰湾，越南和索科特拉位置的许多苏联的监听站，也门被缩减或关闭。（经常被引用的俄罗斯信号基地卢尔德，古巴仍是仍保持在当前拮据的俄罗斯政府状况良好的少数外资的信号基地之一。）

美国军方作出合并或淘汰土耳其，克里特岛和德国某基地的表演，但大多数“缩编”的仅仅是一种公共关系开局。In some cases, bases were shifted from one nation to the other -- when the U.S. was kicked out of Iran, for example, China allowed two new U.S. signals bases to be constructed at Qitai and Korla in Xinjiang province, while Pakistan allowed the reopening of a base dating from the 1950s. In other nations, elephant cages were closed, while satellite downlink bases were expanded to prepare for the expansion of signals intelligence satellites. Germany provided a textbook case for this trend, as the satellite base at Bad Aibling expanded even as the staff at the elephant cage at Gablingen shrunk.

要强调的一个关键因素是，海湾战争停止的一何谈“和平红利”，特别是在情报界内部。提供NSA和NRO的一切长期存在的国会和行政承诺的机构要求，继续在布什和克林顿政府不减。前中央情报局局长伍尔西设定的阶段，他向国会表示，龙（苏联）可能已被杀害，但有“很多蛇在丛林中”，需要一个永久的全球情报基础设施的维护。

当被追问,美国情报机构admit to the bare-bones details of photographic imaging or infrared monitoring satellites, since these satellites have a more stabilizing justification in monitoring situations like the Iraqi and North Korean arms buildups. But NRO signals intelligence missions carried out for NSA's benefit remain the most highly secret aspect of the U.S. intelligence mission, even though they constitute the bulk of the current $28 billion annual expenditures of the intelligence community. (Simple addition of NSA's $3.7 billion annual budget and NRO's $6.2 billion budget would yield a $10 billion total. However, much of the money for space SIGINT support is hidden away in small intelligence agencies, such as the Air Force's Air Intelligence Agency, and in special inter-agency projects. TIARA [Tactical Intelligence and Related Activities], for example, consumes more than $10 billion of the total, and is used for funding "tactical" programs like the Talon missions at Falcon AFB.)

In the Clinton administration, we have entered a new era, in which multibillion-dollar satellites lofted into orbit by the Titan-IV provide unprecedented opportunity to intercept communications in a wide range of frequencies, never before attempted from space. These new classes of satellites, bearing names such as Advanced Jumpseat, Advanced Vortex, and Advanced Orion (the latter sometimes called Trumpet or Jeroboam), have been launched in the last four years with virtually no coverage from the national media. Colorado residents often get an indirect idea that a launch has occurred, when Lockheed-Martin takes out full-page ads in the daily papers to congratulate its employees on another successful Titan-IV launch -- even though no details of payloads are ever released.

While the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization bragged for several years about the move to smaller and less expensive satellites (the Star Wars programs called Brilliant Pebbles and Brilliant Eyes were based on such concepts), such thinking never registered with NRO. This might seem odd, since the Star Wars Clementine program to explore the moon was cited by NASA as a fine example of how to accomplish space missions cheaply.

然而NRO没有建立一个小型卫星办公室，直到1996年年初，当它呈现的五年计划，国会在1995年秋天，正在研制的新卫星 - 包括所谓8X照相卫星，并呼吁入侵者信号情报卫星- 几乎所有的数十亿美元的怪物。未能的理由“认为小”不清楚，直到罗伯特·德莱福斯发表的文章`影响的轨道 - 在1996年3月 - 4间谍财务和黑预算”American Prospect杂志。在这里面，德莱福斯所描述的游说工作，洛克希德 - 马丁公司董事长范奥古斯丁与金里奇在1995年进行，以确保NRO没有把小卫星。实际上，庞大的卫星项目已经成为军队的企业福利的最明显的案例之一 - 30,000磅的卫星存在的沃特顿峡谷等设施保护工作，不是因为他们服务于国家利益。

服战士

在一个非常难看的意义，但是，大的鸟确实服务于国家利益 - 因为空间的国家利益已经成为海湾战争后赤裸裸的好战。在上世纪90年代初开始，美国太空司令部在彼得森和猎鹰空军基地官员的公开言论变得更加显着好战，由美国推动的空间支配的概念如神赋予的权利。Falcon began touting its "Masters of Space" logo proudly, and Space Command officials like Gen. Charles Horner started suggesting that, not only could the U.S. justify maintaining 24-hour space-based reconnaissance of the planet, but it should be the only nation allowed to maintain such capabilities.

这一学说正好与太空作战中心猎鹰在1993年后期当地媒体的代表开了困惑，因为新中心在同一时间，美国假想淘汰星球大战成立。然而，大多数分析师没有觉察是，作为导弹防御从战略防御倡议组织转移到更小的和陆基弹道导弹防御组织，美国航天司令部转移星球大战其主要任务是支持国家侦察局。和间谍任务不只是填补米德堡国家安全局总部的数据存储设施和NRO总部设在尚蒂伊，弗吉尼亚州，这是为了给在对手的资源领域的完整情报任何战术指挥官。

In 1994, Falcon began a highly-classified series of missions called the Talon series, involving experiments in "fusing" the intelligence collected by satellites with mapping information, photographic intelligence, and communication intelligence from ground stations. In 1996, a new Talon mission called Talon Knight even extended the program to include individual ground-based agents of the Special Forces. An accurate three-dimensional image of a particular area, with radar and communication sources identified, could then be sent to anyone in the field, such as a tank commander or fighter pilot.

该goal was to make sure every battle could be turned to a "turkey shoot," similar to the slaughter of Iraqis on the road to Basra during the Gulf War. Since the American public often demanded kill ratios of thousands-to-zero for any conflict involving U.S. troops, military leaders anticipated that any capabilities allowing potentially no casualties for the "good guys" would be immensely popular with the public. So they started bragging about it.

杰弗里·哈里斯，在国家侦察局局长谁是在1996年2月被推翻财政不当行为，给在科罗拉多斯普林斯NRO的首次公开演讲的一个1995年4月，并放言到太空研讨会'95观众说：“我们正在每秒万亿字节英里通过情报网络，以提供实时情报的战士“。他的评论被证明非常受欢迎，诺斯罗普 - 格鲁曼公司变身“实时情报的战士”变成了企业口号在明年的太空研讨会。

一年一年，太空司令部已经变得多了起来，前面关于使用智能视为一个“力量倍增器”，关于寻求结束了反弹道导弹条约，允许使用任何导弹防御系统，以及有关轻率地忽略了外层空间1967年条约，这理应禁止使用的空间作为备战的平台。1996年8月上旬，太空司令部，将军约瑟夫呈灰传出的头，告诉Aviation Week & Space Technology“这是政治上敏感的....而且它不是时尚，而是 - 。绝对的，我们将在太空打我们打算从太空战斗，我们要争取进入太空”而主动采取的情报，允许先发制人的任务是学说的重要组成部分，灰色的强调。

"In a sense, the heads of NRO and Space Command are our best public relations resource," Sulzman said. "They're up front about their goals, because they feel like they don't have to care."

即使谁支持控制战场全局情况下一些美国公民启用由美国国家安全局和国家侦察局可能不支持该机构的扩大的特派团在商用和民用智能领域。In efforts predating the decline of the Soviet Union, members of the executive branch have prodded the technical intelligence agencies to move back into civilian monitoring -- first to monitor money-laundering, then to track drug networks, and most recently to provide U.S. transnational corporations with commercial advantages in conducting business globally. The main focus of the U.S. flap with France over intelligence abuse in February 1995, for example, was over provision of NSA and NRO information to Raytheon and other U.S. companies, allowing them to win out over French competitors in foreign contracts (though the U.S. could rightly claim that French intelligence had been doing the same thing for years).

由于其同时为总部位于美国的公司不公平的优势，支持“自由贸易”的理念的一部分，克林顿政府大力支持这种滥用技术情报的。

但是，这是否滥用在商业领域蔓延到公民个人的分析？间接证据强烈建议它。NRO，不像NSA，从来没有在1975年所做的任何承诺，以避免国内监控，因为国会的大多数成员并不知道它在当时存在的。而国家安全局定期提供“宽带拦截”信息，联邦调查局和其他机构，以帮助他们确定国家的秘密“星腔”法院都带来了窃听窃听为目标，外国情报监视法案法庭。

该real breakout for NSA and NRO in domestic surveillance occurred with the passage of the Digital Telephony Act of 1994 and the Telecom Reform Act of 1996. The former act required that telephone companies make their digital networks capable of being tapped, and that the price of such technology be borne by taxpayers and by the phone companies' customers. While FBI Director Louis Freeh was believed to be the major proponent behind the Digital Telephony Act, its real sponsors were the NSA and NRO, according to several Washington insiders.

In early 1995, NSA and the Naval Research Labs encouraged all the major Regional Bell Operating Companies to join Project MONET (Multi-wavelength Optical Network), supposedly a coalition effort to teach telephone companies how to install optical fiber backbones for Internet traffic. But an AT&T press release issued at the time MONET was announced said that the primary purpose of the coalition was to meet "defense and security needs of the nation."

该se same phone companies have been taking over the Internet switching centers originally run by the National Science Foundation, known as Network Access Points or NAPs. NAP developers freely admit that, contrary to popular belief, optical networks can be tapped through new optical packet-copying test equipment. And a source at one large optical test equipment vendor said that large orders for such equipment have been coming from Fort Meade, Maryland in recent months -- intended for delivery to the NAPs.

这是否意味着我们所有的互联网流量是定期监测？没有足够的装备，隔靴搔痒人分析，做出这样的监测网络成为现实。但在的气氛中所谓的自由派总统，比尔·克林顿，因为“更电线接头，越来越多的电线接头”，在他的再提名演讲，民主党全国代表大会呼吁，我们可以肯定的是所有的能力进行选择性监控正在落实到位，权力职位数的华盛顿正在任何投诉。

该Agencies Under Attack

In the last three years, the technical intelligence agencies' chutzpah in ignoring the democratic process has landed NSA and NRO in hot water, though widespread public knowledge of most scandals is still minimal.

该NSA has a 20-year history of trying to ban private research into secret-code theory, in order to prevent computer encryption methods the agency cannot control. The popularity of a grassroots coding method called "public-key encryption" in the last few years has alarmed the NSA, forcing the agency into taking a lead role in trying to force the use of an NSA coding program called Clipper. The heavy-handed methods employed by NSA sparked an anti-agency movement on the Internet, in which "cyber-libertarians" pledged to do everything possible to foil NSA plans.

This movement has a hint of macho unreality to it, as independent cryptographers have a naive belief that it would be easy to foil the NSA. But the movement has been useful in disrupting a tacit agreement in the past between the agency and its crypto-critics. In the 1970s and 1980s, mathematicians often criticized the computer-security missions of the NSA, while being careful not to critique the NSA's global signals intelligence network.

在最近几个月里，白宫已经为他们提供一个分类的“简报”解释为什么快船编码方案是必要试图吓唬NSA批评。这些努力已经激怒了独立的密码学家像Sun，谁说，这是一次提高对NSA运行的全球侦察网络的法律基础问题的惠特菲尔德的Diffie。这显示出很多加密批评家们准备采取NSA的信号情报任务的合法性。

同时，国家侦察局已经动辄其免费消费的，不负责任的方式打击。在1993年底，美国国会出台了分类谴责NRO的无视国会为了制止资助一个名为广域监视系统的系统上。显然，NRO官员轻率地忽略了国会的指令，让用于未经批准的系统合同。

该hand-slap was only the beginning of NRO's problems. In the summer of 1994, the agency took intense heat for planning a $350 million headquarters building in Chantilly, Va., supposedly without approval of Congress. Hearings that summer showed that Congress regularly approves NRO budgets without understanding what programs or construction projects representatives are voting on.

该Chantilly dispute involved pocket change, however, compared to problems revealed at the end of 1995. NRO admitted in November to not being able to account for more than $1 billion out of its $6 billion Fiscal Year 1995 budget. During the course of the next few months, the news got worse and worse. The amount escalated to $2.5 billion by February, when CIA Director John Deutch fired NRO Director Jeffrey Harris and Deputy Director Jimmie Hall. At last count, the NRO inspector general estimated that more than $4.5 billion in the NRO budget cannot be accounted for, due to excess secrecy in the agency's programs.

Although the technical intelligence community has had its dirty laundry washed in public for many months, it has been hard to translate the scandals into political scrutiny. Many Democrats, including defense critics serving on the Intelligence Committee like Rep. David Skaggs, accept most of the goals of NSA and NRO. In fact, the toughest criticisms have come from Republican budget hawks like John Kasich, rather than Democrats.

NSA和NRO从稳定到挑衅的转变，但是，是不是新的。在他1980年的书在澳大利亚的信号情报基地（房地产的一块合适），arms researcher Desmond Ball suggested that there were similarities between missile accuracy and intelligence accuracy. Many nuclear arms analysts accept the theory that, as a missile warhead becomes more accurate, a nuclear-war doctrine automatically becomes a first-strike silo-busting doctrine, regardless of the announced intentions of those deploying the missiles.

Similarly, Ball suggests, if intelligence capabilities become global and operate in near-real-time, they encourage provocative military actions. Ball wrote that "The removal of uncertainties surrounding the strategic capabilities of an adversary is not always a good thing. Surveillance technology need not and should not have been developed to the point where strategic forces can be located to within one or a few feet of their exact positions."

此评论被在这样一个时代，当做出一个真正的战略对手，以美国的存在。不幸的是，美国的战略家不仅公然针对精确的情报，他们保留了另一个超级大国自毁长城，在这之后的策略。他们吹嘘到这是对小的多，开发国对手施加这种智能先发制人的，挑衅性的目的。与此同时，该机构公开地寻找新的目标，如毒贩，洗钱者，甚至民用政敌为了证明持续的高支出。

最新感知边界

克林顿总统的支持，大大扩展了国家安全状态的说明试图使新的智力结构存在的问题，并针对问题进行维权。太多的进步做出与离开他们心照不宣地支持政府，因为许多在右翼民兵运动已经学会了政府计划的妥协。

网络自由论在互联网上的反NSA位置往往听起来更像比1970年代期间，左翼批评者开发的智能批评权的反政府随笔。因此，太多的军控活动家已经结束了默认支持，因为他们的角色的技术情报部门在监督武器条约。反星球大战十字军罗伯特·鲍曼已经那么远，建议大多数国家安全局和国家侦察局融资本质上是稳定了。

有很多的世界公民，在土耳其和希腊活跃在日本和泰国的反基地示威者，谁也强烈反对这一立场。NSA，特别是定期提供的是：将保护在外国领土上的碱基存在政变暗中支持。该机构鼓励土耳其政变的1980年，参与了几项行动，以支持希腊军方在20世纪60年代和70年代，并曾在“宪法政变”，在1975年11月除去澳大利亚总理惠特拉姆从电源的关键角色。

新的移动由美国国家安全局和国家侦察局以“服务战士”，似乎是对和平组织的自然区域涉足反对机构。但是，正如约翰·派克在美国科学家联合会指出，最和平组织极度缺乏对情报界的知识。而太多的这类群体在全国范围都是虚拟的壳，用钱和人的组织排出，因为START条约是在90年代初签署。

在科罗拉多州，活动家了解到，恩仇无法事先推定。在一般的民主党人已经变成了大国防预算的维护者。美国国会黑人议员团的成员，例如，均是为了保护制造业岗位在加利福尼亚州支持额外的海狼潜艇和B-2轰炸机的财政预算1996年的关键。而类似的趋势情报预算存在。

众议员帕特施罗德，她的信用，提供了提高巴克利认识她离开国会的一些支持。但她的民主党同事戴维·斯卡格斯，谁坐在情报委员会，始终未能率先结束NSA和国家侦察局的情报滥用。当他在1995年12月与活动家会见，并问为什么保守派共和党人第一讲降低国家侦察局的预算，Skaggs的辩护绝大部分国家安全局和国家侦察局的任务是必要的。而在博尔德和周边近郊的Skaggs的家园小区太多活动家讳莫如深捣乱，限制了挑战他的位置的能力。

By contrast, some Republicans in the "budget-hawk" wing of the party have been loud and constant critics of the NSA and NRO. And awareness of the agencies' roles in Colorado has come from surprising sources. For example, theDenver Business Journal1995年4月在其特殊的问题在科罗拉多的Stealth Economy' issued a strong editorial warning against unbridled intelligence spending. The business community thus has realized the problems of NSA and NRO expansion before many in the Colorado religious and lay peace communities have caught on -- something that Colorado Springs activists have had to reiterate again and again.

建立有效的联盟

Colorado activists have a long history in taking bold actions against militaristic space programs. "Marie Antoinette" was arrested in a theater action in the late 1980s, and a bison was released on Falcon Air Force Base property in 1991. But one key to making an effective challenge to NSA and NRO expansion was the formation in 1992 of the Global Network Against Weapons and Nuclear Power in Space.

At its inaugural Washington, D.C. meeting in 1992, the group was focused on documenting the shift to land-based missile-defense weapons, and on opposing deep-space plutonium-powered missions, similar to the Galileo mission which had been strongly opposed by the Florida Coalition for Peace and Justice.

But at national meetings in Colorado Springs in 1993 and Albuquerque in 1994, the group began exploring the intersection between technical intelligence agency expansion and the new bellicosity of the U.S. Space Command. National organizers like Bruce Gagnon of the Florida Coalition and Connie Van Praet of the Institute for Security and Cooperation in Outer Space, helped ground the local concerns of Buckley activists in a national perspective.

全球网络的1993年3月的会议创造了巴克利外的前两个示威风潮 - 在这一年的6月3日小的初始聚会，并在9月11日一个更大的多组织抗议后者事件是值得注意的自备从组织等不同洛雷托美国印第安运动和姐妹扬声器。然而，由区域新闻媒体停电几乎是完整的。

活动家过程中的惨痛教训中途，1993年新闻媒体根本不想解除在巴克利神秘面纱 - 出口是否是当地电视台的丹佛邮报，or the "alternative" weeklyWestword。众议员施罗德的办公室从财政1994年军事建设的预算提供了一个有趣的行项目，显示出在巴克利一个$ 39万台电脑扩建项目进行优先指定“FAD DX碎砖” - 其中美国科学家索赔联合会通常保留的战略分类仅用于核武器项目。然而，媒体代表刷掉示范和新闻发布会的无趣。

因为音乐，舞蹈和戏剧在最近科罗拉多的抗议起到如此关键的作用，这是很难来标记六月和九月演示用形容词，如“无趣。”博尔德鼓和舞蹈艺术家林迪Lymon制定了专门的“非礼勿视”为9月行动提示。第一击剧院，科罗拉多斯普林斯获奖的进步戏剧组，提出在9月‘重新新闻发布会’在媒体的巴克利科目回避取笑。

第一击成员玛丽Sprunger-者：Froese，林恩布德罗，巴克布坎南写下几首歌曲在巴克利保密，包括“我们不要谈论这个。”第一击还支持继续巴克利兴趣一般社区在其“星婊子”戏剧节目使用几个引用，并通过使巴克利幻灯片显示其1995年的首要重点“战争的自己 - 得意之作”的表现。

尽管主流力量被忽视，科罗拉多组在1993年后期这些基础的公民发出和平的空间阿尔伯克基在良好的精神状态为1994年1月会议作出特别努力接触到其他社区组织在丹佛，博尔德和科罗拉多斯普林斯全球网络。主题演讲嘉宾加来道雄后来决定把国家安全局和国家侦察局的发展趋势对WBAI在纽约他的每周广播节目的特征。在特征进步杂志还介绍了一些CPIS民族意识。

但是，事实证明1994年一年的失望和裁员。一些新的地球同步卫星系统有它们在土卫六-IV火箭发射的少女在1994年，没有从媒体的报道。克林顿总统，下从注定要国会保守派火，明确表示他支持更大的国防和情报预算。国家安全局和国家侦察局宣布成立的几个全球联合基地，称为区域SIGINT（信号情报）运营中心，或RSOCs。除了巴克利，国内RSOCs计划于麦地那附件在圣安东尼奥和戈登堡格鲁吉亚，但它是很难在这些地区，带动当地组织者。

在一系列在1994年底和1995年初的会议，科罗拉多小组决定打开暖气上太空司令部设施。一系列的行动，无论是合法的游行示威和直接行动公民不服从，计划于1995年活动家设定1996年为每年直接参加太空司令部的彼得森。

CPIS公共信息论坛试着画出真实的介绍和道德问题的讨论之间的平衡。金博宝正规网址玛丽·林恩Sheetz，参与了一些直接操作的平面设计师和长期的社会活动家，喜欢通过制造武器的比喻在外行带来。

"One need not be aware of the caliber and firepower of a pistol to understand that it is wrong to point that pistol at a child," she has said at several workshops.

A still-unfulfilled goal of the groups is to aim more attention at defense contractors, particularly Lockheed-Martin. Since Lockheed took over the Martin-Marietta spy satellite facility in Waterton Canyon south of Denver, and since the merged company acquired Loral Federal Systems and Loral's important intelligence operations in Colorado Springs, the company has become the undisputed leader in black-budget support operations. Yet the levels of security at Waterton have discouraged protests at that facility to date.

1995年法律的示威在巴克利，5月20日，6月5日和7月3日举行，产生所关心的通常低的水平在丹佛。但6月19日公民抗命行动所代表的突破。空军宪兵选举采取了令人惊讶的强硬等到六个示威者试图走进封锁断航天数据设备区。两名示威者被解决在地上，水炮进行了培训上的组，并从一个摄影师洛基山新闻曾经他的电影没收。这种贸然行动帮助活动家的原因，因为它是因素之一是说服洛基山新闻编辑出版了揭露巴克利场，在十月的周日版跑了。

活动家试图很难得出科罗拉多设施之间的联系。1995年7月16日，三一的50周年，示威bannered猎鹰空军基地，以提醒市民，秘密猛禽实验的人打算“活”。

项目罢工，猎鹰7月19日开始，从间谍卫星和NSA地面站反馈信息直接进入B-1B和F-15E飞机从埃尔斯沃思空军基地，南达科他州飞行的驾驶舱。

太空司令部的反应是不一致的，至少可以说。当活动家再次试图在10月进入巴克利，他们轻轻地从基地周边由基地官员为了避免在六月中产生的负面宣传开除几次，毫无疑问。但是，当六名积极进入彼得森于1996年2月12日，以提供查询信太空司令部头将军约瑟夫灰色的，在太空指挥部要求全市科罗拉多斯普林斯的行动对示威者，并鼓励起诉时的强硬态度。

Media reaction was just as inconsistent. The洛基山新闻andDenver Business Journal迟来的认可深刻的角色巴克利在本地播放。在互联网上感兴趣的人多，以及。然而，电视媒体在所有主要市场的科罗拉多州和其他报纸整个状态，包括强大的丹佛邮报，could not be more disinterested.

即使科罗拉多群体认可开展持续的本地行动的重要性，他们也取得了新的努力，与国际运动联系起来。自1993年初，在英国Menwith山NSA站的妇女和平阵营已经提高了在基地公开行动吧。女性都保持恒定的系列在基地，这在20世纪80年代和90年代急剧扩大，执行这些新的任务为STEEPLEBUSH一​​系列的任务来窥探欧洲平民封锁和“入侵”的。

因为Menwith山是一个主权的状态base is uncertain, women have been bold in their actions, going into radomes directly to grab classified documents, and to spray-paint radome surfaces with slogans such as "Stop the NSA War Criminals." In most cases, the women have been found innocent, or have received light sentences because magistrates are unconvinced that Menwith Hill is a legal facility under British law. The BBC carried a documentary on the women of Menwith Hill in 1994, narrated by Duncan Campbell, the journalist who initially exposed Menwith Hill in 1979. Colorado groups have used this video as an organizing tool, and have remained in regular contact with the women's peace camp.

Important movements in the Pacific Rim also are challenging the NSA and NRO. Australian protesters have targeted the Pine Gap and Nurrungar intelligence bases for the last 15 years, and Okinawan protesters made the Sobe Communications Station "elephant cage" a particular target of their anti-bases ire in Japan.

1996年和1997年初的下半年预计将结出果实在竞选国际化的反基地的努力。今年五月，全球网络的成员会见近佛罗里达州卡纳维拉尔角，一个16个月的沉寂后，为振兴空的和平运动。科罗拉多积极分子准备在佛罗里达州的智力支持设备的清单，以指示当地人NSA的传播和NRO的范围。

美国科学家联合会的约翰•派克icated the ways the Internet can be used to increase information on intelligence bases. The FAS Web site is a source for much emerging information on intelligence base facilities. Pike and Steve Aftergood of FAS also have initiated a "Check it out!" campaign on Usenet newsgroups, in which newsgroup subscribers swap information about mysterious facilities in local neighborhoods.

“这不仅有助于我们了解情报机构的员工每天去上班，也使得它非常真实的了解哪里美元的所有这些数十亿，每年去的人，”派克说。“我们正处在非常良好的状态华盛顿地区和科罗拉多州，但如果是我们在洛杉矶地区在哪里？是在圣安东尼奥工作业余代理商？我们需要使这个更广泛的努力。”

In February 1997, the Global Network hopes to broaden its efforts further with an international meeting in Germany. In addition to making it more likely to bring in a Menwith Hill contingent, Global Network organizers looked to Germany because of the location of Bad Aibling, a satellite base that appears to be Buckley's sister facility for Europe. Activists also hope to bring in representatives from Australia, where Pine Gap and Nurrungar are slated to expand under a revitalized U.S.-Australian treaty signed in July 1996; and from Okinawa, where activists are outraged over a Japanese Supreme Court ruling in August 1996 that allows the U.S. government to do what it wishes at its Okinawa bases.

反基地的努力仍然是一场艰苦的斗争。由于美国经济仍然比其他任何地区经济强那么多，许多美国的盟友，不仅期望，但需求，美国霸权，军事政策。由于许多叛逆的行为采取从一个极端保守右翼，无论是在美国和国外，许多自由主义者支持更强的国家安全状态。和美国公民享有“空间大师”学说这将保证战场上的美军绝对控制的概念。

然而，科罗拉多组的成员仍然发起讨论和变化都充满希望，并深信这种变化工作的必要性。Sulzman说，“一个价值数十亿美元的预算，公民不能质疑或了解详细信息，仅仅是一个民主社会不可调和的。”

SIDEBAR: Uncomfortable Alliances

One admittedly difficult, but unavoidable, subject that has slowed the Global Network's ability to build coalitions is the network's insistence on the hazards of using plutonium-based radioisotope thermal generators (RTGs) to build space probes. After the Challenger disaster, plutonium opponents like Bruce Gagnon of the Florida Coalition for Peace and Justice, and New York physicist Michio Kaku, were sure that the arms-control and anti-nuclear community would be united in their opposition to the use of RTGs carrying several tens of pounds of plutonium-238.

佛罗里达集团在80年代后期对伽利略太空探测器，从新闻学教授卡尔·格罗斯曼由卡酷讲话和文章辅助进行了轰轰烈烈的，但ultimatelty不成功的战役。在反对伽利略的工作是在1992年形成的全球网络是至关重要的。

然而，几个重要的团体已经驳斥了全球网络的前反对伽利略，和其目前的反对卡西尼号，定于1997年10月将推出一个探头美国科学家联合会，已在协助情报改革项目一直是巨大的帮助，即将与全球网络正式工作沉默寡言，因为FAS创始人卡尔·萨根和杰里米·斯通认为，核动力探测器可能有必要探索外行星。

这并没有妨碍FAS”在5月会议上非正式参与，即使本次会议的重点是防卡西尼组织。纪念周末会议的亮点是在卡纳维拉尔角空军基地，在那里几组联合呼吁结束卡西尼规划5月26日示威。

Colorado activists pointed out that Cassini will represent the first so-called commercial use of the Titan-IV, a rocket used only for national security launches up to the time of the planned Sept. 1997 launch. Gagnon and Kaku firmly believe that plutonium is used in NASA missions to prepare the American public psychologically for larger nuclearization of space. The Colorado groups have begun using the slogan, "If we consider the MX a weapon of war, if we consider the THAAD missile a weapon of war, we must consider the Titan-IV a weapon of war."

深空探测的一些支持者认为，加来道雄，格罗斯曼和讨论卡西尼其发射时爆炸的可能性时，其他人可能会专注于太多的不可能的场景，或在地球轨道上的“弹弓”机动携带探头外行星。首先，发射事故应该似乎不太可能不是，我们已经看到后都Challenger和早期泰坦-IV，1993年运载海军情报卫星，参与了灾难性的爆炸。这种类型的卡西尼爆炸的任何重复可能导致广泛的钚扩散。

但更大的问题是在最近的一篇头版文章提出Santa Fe New Mexican。A July 29, 1996 study of accidents at Los Alamos National Labs shows a 22 percent increase in radiological accidents in the period of 1993 to 1995. The bulk of those accidents can be attributed to work on the Cassini space probe. A Cassini launch not only carries the potential of harming thousands of citizens -- it is already harming real people in its pre-launch phase.

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资源

Ball, Desmond,房地产的一块合适。Sydney: Allen & Unwyn, 1980.

班福德詹姆斯。困惑宫。NY: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1983. (A new edition is scheduled for early 1997 release, in which co-author Wayne Madsen adds several critical features on NSA's use of the Internet.)

邦恩迪娜。“施罗德抗议卫队在巴克利的行为。”洛基山新闻，页。14A，1995年6月20日。

_______。“巴克利场的秘密。”洛基山新闻页。1，1995年10月15日。

_______。"4 Protesters Fail to Enter Buckley Base."洛基山新闻页。5A, Oct. 24, 1995.

_______。“更多的高尔夫球在巴克利把扩张中脱颖而出。”洛基山新闻页。如图18A所示，1996年1月15日。

Campbell, Duncan.该Unsinkable Aircraft Carrier。伦敦：迈克尔·约瑟夫有限公司，1984年。

Hager, Nicky.密电。纳尔逊，新西兰：克雷格Potton出版社，1996年。

Olgiersen, Ian, Aldo Svaldi, et. al. "Colorado's Stealth Economy."Denver Business Journal(special issue), April 11-15, 1996.

Pike, John. "Spies in the Skies: The National Reconnaissance Office and the Intelligence Budget."Covert Action Quarterly，Fall 1994, p. 48.

Richelson，杰弗里和德斯蒙德球。领带结合。剑桥，马萨诸塞州：阿伦＆Unwyn / Unwyn-海曼公司，1990。

Richelson，杰弗里。该U.S. Intelligence Community。科罗拉多州博尔德：Westview出版社，1995年。

Wirbel，罗林。“赤裸裸的间谍。”进步，Aug. 1993, p. 15.

On the Internet: John Pike of the Federation of American Scientists manages a wonderful and informative home page for the FAS's Intelligence Reform Project. The FAS general Web site and introductory home page is at the URL //www.tumejico.com, while the IRP's home page is at//www.tumejico.com/irp/。(Compare this with the National Reconnaissance Office's paltry home page, at URLhttp://www.nro.odci.gov/。) For updates in Usenet newsgroups, checkalt.politics.org.nsa。

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罗林Wirbel研究了信号情报网络，为近20年，并已准备在科罗拉多州的设施，公民和平在空间和派克峰正义与和平委员会在科罗拉多斯普林斯的报告。ReportsReports他是为通信编辑Electronic Engineering Times，and is working on a book about foreign bases and their role in signals intelligence strategies.