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那个秋天，布尔什维克夺取了权力，并创造了世界上第一个极权政权。10月26日（在俄罗斯日历上），列宁在普拉夫达（Pravda）宣布“无产阶级的独裁政权”开始的第二天，列宁在圣彼得堡的冬宫“暴风雨”之后的第二天开始。如果不是民主社会，俄罗斯的克萨里斯主义者甚至是一个相当开放的社会。（Pravda于1912年5月5日开始出版。）所有这些现在都被恐怖，暴力和最重要的是保密所取代。如果像那些对此有巨大希望的人和那些本能地担心它的人一样，已经设想了苏联政权，那么似乎没有人期望保密将是其最鲜明的特征。政府中发生的一切都不受公众的看法。公民社会不再存在。只有无名的群众和隐居的领导人。56

Soviet secrecy carried over into foreign affairs. The new regime was both threatened and threatening. Early on, American, British, and French expeditionary forces were sent to overturn the new Bolshevik Government and so, somehow "keep Russia in the war." (It could be fairly remarked that the United States took this intervention rather too offhandedly. Nothing came of it, so that we may be said not to have assumed that it would affect Soviet attitudes and conduct. As it was, the United States did not recognize the Soviet government and exchange ambassadors until 1933.)

Even while under attack, however, the Soviets began recruiting secret agents in foreign countries. They saw themselves as leaders of a worldwide movement--the red flag, symbol of universal brotherhood--and anticipated early success as other regimes began to collapse at the close of the War. Some agents were undercover, some quite public, some both.

约翰·里德（John Reed）是1910年的哈佛大学毕业生，后者是后者。1913年，他加入了群众, a socialist journal published in New York. (Its fame is in large measure accounted for by the illustrations of John Sloan and other painters and illustrators of the Ashcan School.) In August, 1917, Reed wrote an article, "Knit a Straight-Jacket for Your Soldier Boy." This brought upon him prosecution under the Espionage Act and, with his acquittal, a measure of fame in his own circles.57

But the great event was his trip to Russia, where he witnessed the Bolshevik coup. His account,Ten Days that Shook the World, appeared in 1919 (soon after his acquittal in the群众trial) and was a master work of what would come to be known as agitprop. He attended the All-Russian Soviet convention in January 1918. In the summer of 1919 he was expelled from the Socialist Party of America at its convention in Chicago and thereupon helped found the Communist Labor Party. He died in Russia of typhus on October 17, 1920, and was buried in the wall of the Kremlin in Moscow, the equivalent--then--of interment in St. Peter's in Rome. Lenin wrote an introduction to one edition of his book, although he did not live to see the movie (Reds, 1981).

里德是苏联代理人。1920年1月22日，他从美国的金牌，珠宝和其他价值1,008,000卢布的派对工作中收到。58美国政府不知道这一点。它只是在苏联档案中才发现。（那等等。）在接下来的七十年中，美国政府将成为苏联持续的渗透和颠覆运动的对象。与英国一样，将会在精英中获得成功，但是从现在已经看到的模式中，种族因素将是最突出的因素。

一开始，大多数美国共产主义者将是俄罗斯人。美利坚合众国共产党（CPUSA）于1921年在莫斯科的要求中组织，将里德的共产党工党与美国共产党的共产党合并，由前社会主义者中西部人查尔斯·埃米尔·鲁森伯格（Charles Emil Ruthenberg）组织。会员资格不大，是外国出生的绝大部分。59西奥多·德雷珀（Theodore Draper），The Roots of American Communism, estimates that 10 percent spoke English. Harvey Klehr et al., make that 12 percent.

德雷珀（Draper）评论说：“这只是说美国共产主义运动最初是以斯拉夫运动为主的……”以一种熟悉的模式，移民带来了政治，或者同情自己的家园的政治变化。60他继续指出，这种情况随着“美国人”和“其他民族”的变化而变化。61，但种族维度是美国共产主义从未停止过，尽管有时会被约翰·里德（John Reed）等人所掩盖。

Perhaps a quarter of a million persons passed through the Communist Party between 1919 and 1960--with emphasis on passing through.62 Nathan Glazer estimates that at the peak of popularity there were "considerably fewer than 100,000 Communists."63 Nor did the Party, or parties in the first instance, have an auspicious beginning. Fear of radical revolutions got out of hand in 1919-20. There was a good deal of disorder, and no small amount of criminal behavior. On May Day, 1919, some 36 bombs were sent by mail to prominent politicians, judges, and other "enemies of the left."64 The New York Times wrote of a "nationwide bomb conspiracy." The Washington house of Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer was damaged by a bomb which went off prematurely and blew up the bomber.

All this would appear to have been a last surge of anarchism, but it was generally taken for Bolshevism. "Russian Reds Are Busy Here," ran a New York Times headline. Palmer, the "Fighting Quaker," responded with major cross-country raids--the Palmer Raids--on radical organizations, including the New York-based Union of Russian Workers, on November 7-8, 1919, the second anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution. On January 2, 1920, Federal agents arrested more than 4,000 Communists in 33 different cities as undesirable aliens deserving of deportation.65 The Washington Post warned "[t]here is not time to waste on hair-splitting over infringement of liberty." J. Edgar Hoover, a 24-year old Justice Department official, located a U.S. Army trans-port, termed the "Soviet Ark," to take a shipload of radicals home, and invited Members of Congress to see them off at Ellis Island. He now emerged as a national figure, whilst his superior, the Attorney General, began making plans to run for President.

The unrest did not last. May Day 1920 passed without incident. With his credibility badly damaged, Palmer saw his presidential aspirations erode. Warren G. Harding, running for President against Democrat James Cox, said that "too much has been said about Bolshevism in America."66 The Democratic administration, leaderless following Wilson's stroke on October 2, 1919, had become undisciplined and erratic. Such intervals would recur, with both parties involved, but now a sense of civic order returned. Draper observes:

具有讽刺意味的是，帕尔默突袭是伪装外语联盟的祝福。他们比以往任何时候都能够想象自己在美国的俄罗斯布尔什维克。俄罗斯革命是否被迫非法地工作几乎是扣押权力的前夕？帕尔默的监狱和沙皇的地牢，移民局的驱逐出境和ochrana在西伯利亚的ochrana的流放之间有什么根本区别吗？如果俄罗斯通往革命的道路是正确的，那么美国战后的压制只是提供了其他证据，证明美国革命确实正在接近。该运动的地下特征成为对其革命完整性的最高考验。从定义上讲，一个真正革命性的组织必须像在沙皇俄罗斯那样遭受镇压。俄罗斯催眠使某种美德有必要。67

Soviet intelligence was able to make use of the Comintern and its operatives because from its foundation, the Communist International had encouraged Communist parties to maintain both a legal political organization and an illegal or underground apparatus. Among the twenty-one conditions required for admission to its ranks, the Comintern in 1920 stipulated that all Communist parties create an illegal "organizational apparatus which, at the decisive moment, can assist the Party to do its duty to the revolution." These underground apparatuses were intended both to defend the Communist movement from police repression and to promote secret political subversion.

Comintern representatives often traveled on false passports, entered countries illegally, and carried large amounts of cash and valuables to distribute secretly to local party leaders and organizations. The Comintern maintained clandestine courier services, secret mail drops, and systems of coded telegraphic and radio communications with foreign Communist parties. Year after year the Comintern issued instructions and pleas to its member parties to form secret units, train cadres to operate illegally, and prepare systems of safe houses and fake identification documents to protect its key officials in case of repression by hostile governments. Communists, in short, were not novices at the kind of work required for espionage. Soviet intelligence agencies quickly recognized that they could piggyback on these activities for espionage operations.

直到1933年，美国才正式承认苏联。在那个日期之前，必须通过秘密快递员派出美国共产主义运动的资金。最早的已知补贴于1919年发送。1919年7月16日到Kotliarov的209,000卢布，1919年9月30日前往Khavkin的500,000卢布，[如前所述] 1920年1月22日给约翰·里德（John Reed）1,008,000卢布，1920年1月31日向安德森（Anderson），1,011,000卢布。总计2,728,000卢布。从1919年到1922年，卢布在外汇市场上的价值在苏维埃稳定了用于国际贸易的“硬”卢布在1到2美元之间的“硬”卢布。共同文献记录了美国运营的子发动的“价值”，这是共同簿记中的一个术语，这意味着这些款项是以黄金，银色或珠宝而不是货币的形式传输的。因此，该帐户表明，在此期间，共产党提供了相当于数百万美元的贵重物品，这是1920年的巨额资金。68S.68

美国共产主义者的相对隔离产生了一些后果。除了曼哈顿的知识界以及其他很少的大都会中心，除了美国劳工运动的要素外，共产党人几乎是未知的。在知识分子中，尤其是在劳工运动中，与共产主义的相遇产生了常常激烈的反共反应。（从冷战开始到结束，美国劳工联合会对共产主义及其反对派的反对无与伦比。派对，或者幻灭了“旅行者”。Ignazio Silone有了确定的事情，可以预测“最后的战斗将是共产主义者和前社区主义者之间” - 这就是后者的见识和厌恶。70

即便如此，大多数前共产主义者还是有一定程度的社会距离，以至于他们的故事经常看起来太异国情调了。他们很容易被视为幻想家或更糟。Klehr等人的写作本杰明·吉特洛（Benjamin Gitlow）是一位早期的共产党领导人，他于1929年被驱逐出该党，在斯大林流亡托洛茨基的一份复发性清洗中：

十年后，他在国会委员会作证说，该党在早期经常以钻石和珠宝的形式获得苏联补贴，然后在同情商人的帮助下转换为现金。但是，就像共产主义的许多叛逃者一样，吉特洛经常被视为不可靠的证人，他的证词被折扣了。71

托洛茨基是一个象征性的人物。当布尔什维克在圣彼得堡上台时，他住在曼哈顿。匆忙的家，成为外交大臣，指挥军队，可能接替列宁，被斯大林流放，及时被暗杀在墨西哥城。在他的自传中不合拍, Sidney Hook, professor at New York University and a one-time Communist who, with many a New Yorker, followed Trotsky into opposition to Stalin, relates: "Ironically, it was one of my students, Sylvia Ageloff, who unwittingly gave Trotsky's assassin access to commit the murder."72 Ageloff's sister served for a time as secretary to Trotsky in Mexico City. She visited her sister; Trotsky and his wife grew fond of her. Back in New York, a woman friend casually offered Ageloff a ticket to Paris that she herself could not use. In Paris she met a dashing young Belgian journalist; her first love. He was, in fact, Ramon Mercader, "whose mother was a leading member of the Spanish Communist Party, . . . then living with a general of the NKVD in Moscow."73 In 1940, with Ageloff's guileless help, Mercader made his way to Mexico City, joined Trotsky's household, and thereupon murdered him.

回到纽约，现在开始了斯大林主义者和托洛茨基人之间的另一场激烈的战斗。谁/谁成为委员会，惯例和争议的永恒。一如既往，党派共产党对一切都撒谎。现在，我们知道Mercader确实是克格勃特工，1943年，克格勃甚至计划了突击队突袭，以使他摆脱墨西哥监狱。74纽约市的生与死问题。金博宝正规网址在全国其他地区很少注意到。

1948年，惠特克·钱伯斯金博宝更改账户Daily Workerand the新群众, later an editor at时间，将在1930年代中期担任苏联的秘密特工和华盛顿“牢房”的成员，其中包括最突出的阿尔格·希尔斯（Alger Hiss）。引起了极大的争议。钱伯斯可能会说实话吗？再次引用西德尼·胡克（Sidney Hook），1930年代在纽约的“每个人”都知道了他的过去。（“……我假设 - 我相信我不是唯一的人 - 在他离开新群众后，钱伯斯从事地下工作。”）75他与聚会打破；然后他意识到这可能是死亡。

钱伯斯（Chambers）处于歇斯底里的边缘，坚信，由于他已经成为地下的一个不露面，无名，不知名的生物，因此他被谋杀或绑架的淘汰仍然未被发现。他的目标是成为一个publiccharacter again, to emerge under his own name and thus prevent his disappearance into the shadows.76

钩建议一个复杂的“�人寿保险的波利奇y" whereby Chambers would "draw up a detailed list of all the Soviet operatives he knew, all the �sleepers' in Washington and elsewhere, anyone who had given him any information" and send this to Earl Browder, then head of the American Communist Party, with the further information that if Chambers were murdered the list would be made public. Hook continues: "When Chambers first publicly identified his fellow-conspirators in 1948, the names were quite familiar to me." They were the same names he had given to a mutual friend, Herbert Solow, in 1938. They were the same names Chambers had given to Adolph Berle, then Assistant Secretary of State, in 1939.

Years later, in 1953, I questioned Berle about the incident and its aftermath. He painted a very vivid picture of the confusion that prevailed in Washington at the time Chambers showed up in his office. World War II had begun, and "the world was falling to pieces around us." Nonetheless, despite his initial incredulity at the bizarre tale, Berle steadfastly insisted that he had sent word of Chambers' story to the White House. Berle himself ended up convinced that it was true. Fortunately Berle kept his notes of his meeting with Chambers, which listed the names Chambers had identified as his confederates.77

And so the interval of 1918 to 1939 concluded and the Great War resumed. During that interval the Soviet Union had put in place a fairly elaborate espionage apparatus, more or less reflexively. From the Soviet perspective the United States was a somewhat marginal power, but even so, spies might in time prove useful. As indeed they would, however briefly. For its part, the United States Government was not much interested in such matters. The anti-Communist hysteria of 1919-1920 was seen, especially within the circles of the administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt, as something of an embarrassment. As President Harding had stated, "too much has been said about Bolshevism in America."

Looking back on that period, David Riesman wrote in 1952:

二十,甚至十年前,这是一个重要的intellectual task . . . to point out to Americans of good will that the Soviet and Nazi systems were not simply transitory stages, nor a kind of throwback to the South American way--that they were, in fact, new forms of social organization, more omnivorous than even the most brutal of earlier dictatorships. At that time, there were many influential people who were willing to see the Nazis as a menace but insisted that the Bolsheviks were a hope.78

Besides, the Bolsheviks were now the established rulers of a major power; potential opponents in the East of the Nazi regime in Germany, which had begun its devastating conquests in the West. And, of course, the great secret of American Government at this time was that, some military matters apart, it had none.

____________________
54 "Memorandum on the Cabinet Meeting," (20 March 1917), Link, The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, 41:438.
55同上，41：440。
56 There was a quality of openness in 19th and early 20th century civil society that is all but forgotten today. Weber, a reserve Army officer called back to duty during the War, sensing the outcome, wrote a friend in 1917:

战争结束后，我将侮辱凯撒（Kaiser），直到他起诉我为止，然后负责的政治家，鲍洛（Bulow），提尔皮兹（Bulow，Tirpitz）和贝丝曼·霍尔维格（Bethmann-Hollweg）将被迫在宣誓下发表陈述。（韦伯，Essays, 22.)

English 1,900* Non-federation Language members 1,100 Estonian 280 German 850 Hungarian 1,000 Jewish 1,000 Lettish 1,200 Lithuanian 4,400 Polish 1,750 Russian 7,000 South Slavic 2,200 Ukrainian 4,000 Total 26,680

*包括很快退出的密歇根州组织的800个。

继续to Part 5 of Appendix A

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