[国会记录第161卷第173号（2015年12月1日，星期二）][参议院][S8235-S8236页]承认印度尼西亚过去的反人类罪行LEAHY先生。总统先生，亚洲调整使我们的注意力集中在与该地区国家的伙伴关系上。我们拥有共同的政治、经济、安全和人道主义利益，建立了复杂和多层面的关系。但是，我们对保护和促进人权的承诺必须继续成为我们与这些国家以及世界其他国家的关系的基础。我们必须继续倡导开放的社会，鼓励对话和持不同意见，安全部队要专业和负责。与此同时，我们不能忽视历史。50年前，在国家批准的共产主义清洗的幌子下，数十万印尼男人、女人和儿童被谋杀。更多的人被围捕并被带到集中营，在那里他们被监禁，许多人受到有美国支持的独裁和残暴政权的安全部队的酷刑。人们普遍认为这是20世纪最严重的大规模暴行之一，但建立真相与和解委员会以应对这些罪行的努力却每况愈下。这些暴行仍然没有得到印度尼西亚政府的承认或讨论，肇事者长期以来因其行为而被誉为英雄。美国应该以身作则，承认这段悲惨的历史，并重申人权是我们在印度尼西亚和其他国家战略关系的最前沿。作为拨款委员会最资深的成员，我支持关于外国援助的条件，包括要求受援国保护言论和结社自由，尊重法治和正当程序，改革司法制度和安全部队，加强民主社会的其他关键要素。通过《莱希法》，我试图鼓励印尼军队和警察部队的改革，促进与民事当局的合作，并追究侵犯人权者的责任。我还支持西巴布亚非军事化和制止与该岛军事化有关的侵犯人权行为的努力。不幸的是，尽管自苏哈托时代的系统性镇压以来，印度尼西亚在经济和政治方面取得了重大进展，1960年代和东帝汶独立斗争最后几年期间发生的可怕罪行不受惩罚，这仍然是未完成事业的突出例子，不符合建立在任何人都不能凌驾于法律之上的民主社会的原则。我们需要承认我国政府在这段历史中的作用，解密相关文件，敦促印度尼西亚政府承认大屠杀，并建立可信的真相和正义机制。我请求大家一致同意，将2015年9月29日在《纽约客》上发表的一篇关于这一主题的尖锐观点发表在记录中。在没有异议的情况下，该材料被要求在记录中打印如下：[纽约客，2015年9月29日]苏哈托的清洗，印度尼西亚的沉默（约书亚·奥本海默著）本周标志着印度尼西亚大规模屠杀开始50周年。在美国的支持下，超过50万人被印尼军队及其平民敢死队杀害。至少还有75万人遭受酷刑并被送往集中营，其中许多人被关押了几十年。受害者被指控为“共产主义者”，这个保护伞不仅包括合法注册的共产党党员，还包括所有可能反对苏哈托新军事政权的人——从工会成员、女权活动家到教师和华人。与德国、卢旺达或柬埔寨不同，那里没有审判，没有真相与和解委员会，也没有为受害者设立纪念碑。相反，许多肇事者仍然在全国各地掌权。印度尼西亚是世界第四大人口大国，如果它要成为它声称的民主国家，这种有罪不罚现象必须结束。纪念日是美国通过承认1965年的种族灭绝并鼓励真相、和解和正义进程来支持印度尼西亚民主过渡的时刻。1965年10月1日，雅加达的六名陆军将领被一群不满的下级军官杀害。苏哈托少将接管了武装部队的指挥权，将杀戮归咎于左翼分子，并启动了杀戮机器。数百万与左倾组织有联系的人成为袭击目标，整个国家陷入恐怖之中——人们甚至因为害怕鱼吃尸体而停止吃鱼。苏哈托篡夺了苏加诺总统的权力，并于1966年3月成为事实上的总统。从一开始，他就很享受这个过程full support of the United States. I've spent 12 years investigating the terrible legacy of the genocide, creating two documentary films, ``The Act of Killing'' in 2013 and ``The Look of Silence,'' released earlier this year. I began in 2003, working with a family of survivors. We wanted to show what it is like to live surrounded by still-powerful perpetrators who had murdered your loved ones. The family gathered other survivors to tell their stories, but the army warned them not to participate. Many survivors urged me not to give up and suggested that I film perpetrators in hopes that they would reveal details of the massacres. I did not know if it was safe to approach the killers, but when I did, I found them open. They offered boastful accounts of the killings, often with smiles on their faces and in front of their grandchildren. I felt I had wandered into Germany 40 years after the Holocaust, only to find the Nazis still in power. Today, former political prisoners from this era still face discrimination and threats. Gatherings of elderly survivors are regularly attacked by military-backed thugs. Schoolchildren are still taught that the ``extermination of the communists'' was heroic, and that victims' families should be monitored for disloyalty. This official history, in effect, legitimizes violence against a whole segment of society. The purpose of such intimidation is to create a climate of fear in which corruption and plunder go unchallenged. Inevitably in such an atmosphere, human rights violations have continued since 1965, including the 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor, where enforced starvation contributed to the killing of nearly a third of the population, as well as torture and extrajudicial killing that go on in West Papua today. Military rule in Indonesia formally ended in 1998, but the army remains above the law. If a general orders an entire village massacred, he cannot be tried in civilian courts. The only way he could face justice is if the army itself convenes a military tribunal, or if Parliament establishes a special human rights court--something it has never done fairly and effectively. With the military not subject to law, a shadow state of paramilitaries and intelligence agencies has formed around it. This shadow state continues to intimidate the public into silence while, together with its business partners, it loots the national wealth. Indonesia can hold regular elections, but if the laws do not apply to the most powerful elements in society, then there is no rule of law, and no genuine democracy. The country will never become a true democracy until it takes serious steps to end impunity. An essential start is a process of truth, reconciliation and justice. This may still be possible. The Indonesian media, which used to shy from discussing the genocide, now refers to the killings as crimes against humanity, and grassroots activism has taken hold. The current president, Joko Widodo, indicated he would address the 1965 massacre, but he has not established a truth commission, issued a national apology, or taken any other steps to end the military's impunity. We need truth and accountability from the United States as well. U.S. involvement dates at least to an April 1962 meeting between American and British officials resulting in the decision to ``liquidate'' President Sukarno, the populist--but not communist--founding father of Indonesia. As a founder of the nonaligned movement, Sukarno favored socialist policies; Washington wanted to replace him with someone more deferential to Western strategic and commercial interests. The United States conducted covert operations to destabilize Sukarno and strengthen the military. Then, when genocide broke out, America provided equipment, weapons and money. The United States compiled lists containing thousands of names of public figures likely to oppose the new military regime, and handed them over to the Indonesian military, presumably with the expectation that they would be killed. Western aid to Suharto's dictatorship, ultimately amounting to tens of billions of dollars, began flowing while corpses still clogged Indonesia's rivers. The American media celebrated Suharto's rise and his campaign of death. Time magazine said it was the ``best news for years in Asia.'' But the extent of America's role remains hidden behind a wall of secrecy: C.I.A. documents and U.S. defense attach papers remain classified. Numerous Freedom of Information Act requests for these documents have been denied. Senator Tom Udall, Democrat of New Mexico, will soon reintroduce a resolution that, if passed, would acknowledge America's role in the atrocities, call for declassification of all relevant documents, and urge the Indonesian government to acknowledge the massacres and establish a truth commission. If the U.S. government recognizes the genocide publicly, acknowledges its [[Page S8236]] role in the crimes, and releases all documents pertaining to the issue, it will encourage the Indonesian government to do the same. This anniversary should be a reminder that although we want to move on, although nothing will wake the dead or make whole what has been broken, we must stop, honor the lives destroyed, acknowledge our role in the destruction, and allow the healing process to begin. ____________________