保险公司先生。主席夫人，我将修正案发送给办公桌，并要求立即考虑。
主审官。The clerk will report.
The bill clerk read as follows:
The Senator from Arkansas [Mr.Bumpers]，因为他自己，先生Sasser, Mr.Metzenbaum, Mr.Wofford, and Mr.Feingold，提出了编号为1041的修正案。
保险公司先生。Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
主审官。没有异议，它是如此有序。
The amendment is as follows:
At the end of line 9 on page 157, insert the following new section:
`Notwithstanding any other provision of this bill, the amounts appropriated for the program in support of the intelligence community of the federal government for the National Foreign Intelligence Program shall be reduced by $300,000,000; and the amounts appropriated for the programs in support of the intelligence community of the federal government for the Tactical Intelligence and Related Activities Program shall be reduced by $100,000,000.'
保险公司先生。Madam President, I must say that it took a lot of courage on my part to offer this amendment because, frankly, I am so tired of losing. I am tired of offering the Senate opportunity after opportunity after opportunity to cut spending, with absolutely no success.
I sometimes wonder about the press; they never report this. I do not know why. They never report who is voting for spending cuts and who is not. The reason I say that is because it is really interesting to me to watch the people who make the longest winded speeches around here about spending cuts and who can never find it in their hearts to vote for one.
我今天早上为参议院提供了一个机会，可以减少170亿美元的支出，而绝对没有战略或军事优势。我得到了34票。一位参议员非常友善，并告诉我他投票反对我，他道歉。他说：“我知道你现在对此绝对是对的。”我认为另一位参议员告诉我，他误解了这是提出餐桌的动议。所以也许我会得到36票。当您试图削减支出时，这里有很多选票。
SenatorSasser刚刚提出了一项修正案来进行负担，让其他一些国家拿起一些标签。他得到42票。
I hear people say, `Well, I cannot support you, but I am for spending cuts, cutting entitlements. You are never going to get the deficit under control unless you cut entitlements.'
这意味着什么？我会告诉你这意味着什么。这意味着他们不准备告诉您他们愿意削减什么，因为说“我要削减权利”的人可能会说：如果我们问：好吧，您愿意削减医疗保险吗？我们已经削减了560亿美元在减少赤字方案中。这个国家的老年人对这些削减感到恐惧。他们可能会说：嗯，我不知道，我们削减了我们在医疗保险中所能做的一切。。联邦政府和25年前做出的决定，没有孩子饿吗？必须说您要切割的内容。
But I will tell you some of the biggest entitlements in this country--the space station, the super collider, National Endowment for Democracy, SDI, intelligence budget, which my amendment addresses, those are entitlements which just go on year after year after year getting healthy increases as we cut Medicare $56 billion over the next 5 years.
因此，当您投票赞成这种权利时，您将投票决定削减这些权利。回家告诉老年人，您在做政治演讲时与您交谈的AARP和老年人，回家，告诉他们，当您在未来30年内投票反对约3000亿美元的支出削减时 - 我提供了这一点 -就在过去的三个星期中 - 当您投票反对这些时，您几乎可以保证我们将不得不进一步削减那些可以帮助人们，穷人和所有人的权利。
回家，告诉教育人民我们无法为他们做更多的原因，是因为我们在内心找不到削减肿的情报预算。在未来35年中，我们无法在内心找到削减380亿美元的D-5导弹，并计算利益。我们无法在我们的心中找到在空间站削减1000亿美元的损失。您考虑一下。
I hate to be so caustic and acerbic about this, and it sounds self-serving, and I hate to do this and I do not mean it that way. But I sometimes think, having fought against the space station and the collider now for 4 years running, I sometimes think if Senators walked on that floor and the head of NASA walked up to them and said, `Boy, have you guys been snookered; there is not anything like a space station; there is no plan; nothing,' I do not think it would change a vote. I think we would still vote $2.1 billion for the space station.
因此，在今天早上获得了34票以进行34票以做一些事情的赤字之后，在这里，我处于同一旧摊位，这使每个人都有机会投票赞成非常适度的削减。
女士主席，我最初打算试图将情报预算削减十亿美元。酌处权是英勇的大部分，我知道我没有机会，因此我提供的修正案将从国家外国情报预算中削减3亿美元，从五角大楼的战术情报和相关活动中削减1亿美元，Tiara，Total Total4亿美元。
I do not know and I will not know for a little while, probably after the vote, if it would have made any difference if I had offered to cut $100 million from the NFIP and $50 million from TIARA. I doubt if there would be any difference in the votes. People are not going to cut spending. They do not want to cut spending, and they are not going to.
Every Member of this body got a letter from James Woolsey, who I personally like and respect, saying, `If you vote for the Bumpers amendment you are going to jeopardize our intelligence ability for years to come.'
Madam President, here is a little unclassified chart. In 1965 through 1994 --I want you to look at this for just a moment--the national foreign intelligence budget is up 100 percent in the 1980's. There is 1980. There is 1990. There is a 100-percent increase in the 1980's in this budget, which the New York Times says is $17 billion.
顺便说一下,你知道另一个毛刺saddl下面e is the fact that all these numbers are kept so secretive and when I say what these numbers are I have to say the Los Angeles Times reported it, or the New York Times reported it.
SenatorMoynihan将在该法案上提供这一楼层的修正案，以使情报预算公开，我打算支持他。我不会投票赞成一项修正案，该修正案说您必须说出您在人类智能上花费了多少，您在卫星上花了多少钱。但是《洛杉矶时报》说，我们每年在情报上花费280亿美元。
I am not here to tell you whether that is right or wrong. I am telling you what the Los Angeles Times reported. But I can tell you this because this is in the report from the House Appropriations Committee, this budget has gone up 100 percent in the 1980's, and I am saying cut it by $300 million.
The Senator from Arizona, who is chairman of the Senate
精选情报委员会要说我们已经削减了它。
Madam President, I hate to anticipate what he is going to say, but that is what he is going to say, and let me answer it before he says it.
他们什么都没削减。他们只是没有给他们增加。
美国总统说，当他是一名候选人时，他将在总统后5年内从情报预算中削减70亿美元，70亿美元。
您知道今年的预算要求是什么吗？根据众议院拨款委员会的数据，这是在这笔预算中增加8亿美元，增加了8亿美元。
我们的参议院情报委员会说，我们不会削减您。我们将为您提供与您在1993年获得的相同金额的资金。
让我向您展示另一个图表，女士主席。这不会给周围的任何人留下深刻的印象，但是观看C-Span的人对此印象深刻。他们说：“我不知道。我不能相信。'
你知道，我是一名老审判律师，我知道人们的理解。我知道他们的媒体情报告诉他们什么，如果美国人民今天早上对该修正案进行了投票，那将是85至15岁。。
当美国人看到这样的一个图表that says we spend more on intelligence, according to the August 4 edition of the Los Angeles Times, we spend more money on intelligence than these 10 nations, including Italy, spend on their entire defense budget, and James Woolsey sends a letter to everybody and says, `If you vote for the Bumpers amendment you are going to jeopardize intelligence for years to come.' You want to know how good our intelligence is. You have a great example of it. You saw a bunch of thugs sitting on the Port-au-Prince dock saying you cannot land these American troops in Haiti. Obviously, if our intelligence community had been doing its job, they would have told the President you are going to get a very heated reception in Haiti, and the President would not have embarrassed himself to some extent and the Nation by sending them in the first place.
And George Shultz, former Secretary of State, in his book called `Turmoil and Triumph'--incidentally, he was one of the people I liked in the Reagan administration. Here is what George Shultz says in his book--you know everybody is willing to tell you after they leave office what they really think. You cannot get anybody in politics to tell you what they really think until they leave office.
（里德先生担任主席。）
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保险公司先生。I remember when Dwight Eisenhower made his great military-industrial complex speech. Do you know when he made it? As he left office. What a dynamite speech that would have been in his first inauguration.
我永远不会忘记，即使我们的同事，戈德沃特参议员也转向那儿的一位参议员说：“谁起草了这项祈祷中的学校修正案？”参议员说：“我做到了。”他说：“你应该为自己感到羞耻。”
我记得琼斯将军，他来参议院时曾是参谋长联席会议主席的董事长。我们仍在越南。肯塔基州的参议员同时参加了参议院，他记得这一切。
这个国家在越南上倒挂。此后不久，戴维·琼斯（David Jones）从空军退休 - 我相信他是一名空军人 - 他举行了新闻发布会。你知道他说什么吗？`在这个国家设计一个明智的防御系统是不可能的，因为我所做的只是裁判互动的竞争。您给空军20亿美元，您必须给海军20亿美元。您给海军20亿美元，您必须给军队20亿美元。他说：“我所做的就是裁判打架。”
And if Colin Powell holds an exit interview and tells the unmitigated truth, as he is supposed to do in this $6 million book, he is going to tell you essentially the same thing.
Former Secretary of State George Shultz provides a particularly harsh appraisal of the CIA in his memoirs `Turmoil and Triumph.' He repeatedly disparages the political analysis on the Soviet Union by CIA Director William Casey and his Deputy Robert Gates noting, `We had no accurate help from the intelligence community about what to expect.'
您能相信不到4年前的整个情报预算中的三分之二是在苏联及其盟友那里监视的吗？今天，没有苏联。但是，您是否知道将我们三分之二的情报预算在苏联花费的有趣之处？中央情报局中没有一个人告诉总统，苏联即将崩溃。
但这实际上与情报界的能力无关。这是关于我们愿意在情报上花费多少钱。
总统先生，我们在情报界还有另一个大问题。我们在这个国家拥有这么多情报组织，资助了这笔280亿美元。我们让间谍在间谍上间谍。重叠。左手不知道右手在做什么。我的猜测是詹姆斯·伍尔西（James Woolsey），在他更坦率的时刻之一，会告诉你。
他们是谁？好吧，国家外国情报计划，即中央情报局，国家安全局，国防情报局，国家侦察局，甚至是国务院和联邦调查局，都加入了该法案。我们有海军情报，陆军情报，海洋情报。我们有公众甚至不知道的情报机构。我试图削减3亿美元的国家外国情报预算现在比冷战高峰时更高。
Mr. President, the House froze spending, but freezing is not enough in these times. If we cannot cut $300 million from the National Foreign Intelligence budget and $100 million from TIARA, we might as well hang it up.
Incidentally, do you know something else? Do you know阿尔伯特·戈尔（Albert Gore）, in the Vice President's reinventing government report, weighs in on this intelligence budget? My amendment goes right to the heart of what阿尔伯特·戈尔（Albert Gore）谈论。
Mr. President, what are the opponents of this amendment going to say? Well, I tell you, terrorism is so much greater now. We have to spend more money trying to find terrorists. We have to spend more money on this and that and the other. But 3 years from now, we are going to start cutting.
And the Senate will buy it, just like Lucy holding the ball for Charlie Brown every fall. Charlie says, `No, I'm not going to kick that ball now. You'll pull it out from under me and I'll kick and I'll fall.' And Lucy says, `No, I won't.' So Charlie goes out charging and Lucy pulls the ball out from under him and he takes a big spill year after year after year, just like the U.S. Senate.
They will say, `We have this whole intelligence thing under in-house reform and by this time next year, we are going to give you a definitive plan on how we are going to deal with this.' And, like Charlie Brown, we are going to fall for it one more time.
您认为这只是戴尔（Dale Bumpers）在说话吗？在我看来，情报界在过去十年中被大量资金过高。当今情报界的分析师很可能有10倍。”
比我们需要的十倍。谁说的？国家安全局前主任威廉·奥多姆中将。
The House Appropriations Committee said,
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该委员会指出，在过去十年的过程中，专门用于情报界的预算资源实际上增长了100％以上。在国防预算大幅扩大的时期，情报界的预算以真实的速度增长了20倍。”
这是正确的。1980年增长5 percen防御t in real terms, and the national foreign intelligence budget grew 100 percent--20 times faster and higher than the defense budget.
Here is another quote by William Colby, former Director of CIA. `There is substantial money to be saved. I would say a substantial reduction in intelligence funding is possible and that means several billion dollars.' That, from a former Director of the CIA--several billion dollars can be saved.
你知道我的修正案做什么吗？如果我们认为新闻报道，它将国家外国情报计ReportsReports划的预算减少不到2％。您考虑一下。您想到一个正在将债务堆积在债务之上的国家，仅国债的利息将很快等于该国人民支付的所得税总金额，个人所得税。
And some people will walk in here and say, `Well, I'm not going to worry about it. That is only $400 million.'
只有4亿美元。这就是给我们带来4万亿美元债务的心态。
And, to all of you who have not yet found it in your heart to vote to cut one single dime, at least of the amendments I have offered, I invite you after you vote no on this to stand up and tell us when you are going to start voting to cut spending.
不要告诉我有关权利的信息。哪些权利和多少权利？今天早上，您有机会在35年内削减300亿美元；4亿美元并不多，但是如果您不投票赞成此修正案，您将不得不借钱。在接下来的30年中，这将达到超过10亿美元。
Let me reemphasize what I just said a moment ago. This is not literally true. But every time you vote no on one of these spending cuts, you know that spending cuts are going to have to happen somewhere. So when you vote against a spending cut on the D-5 missile and the intelligence budget and the collider, and all the rest of them, you are voting to cut Medicaid and Medicare and Social Security.
我屈服于地板。
主审官。The manager of the bill, the Senator from Hawaii.
Inouye先生。Mr. President, I listened very carefully to the remarks of my friend from Arkansas. And once again, I find it very difficult to participate in this debate.
首先，我们正在处理机密信息。我意识到我的一些同事可能会在Pooh-pooh上进行，这表明这是一个库特。但是，我们必须遵循一些法律，这些法律决定了分类，确定保密的法律。
But I can mention the following without violating the law. Last year, we reduced the request by the intelligence community by 10 percent. That cut was greater than that made on any other agency of our Government. In this fiscal year account, we have reduced the President's request by $1.498 billion. That is quite a bit.
Much has been said in this debate about the effectiveness of intelligence. What my distinguished colleague from Arkansas is alluding to is what we call HUMINT, or human intelligence. The amount we spend on human intelligence in this budget is less than 4 percent.
I cannot give the dollar figures because that would be classified. But when one considers that during the height of the cold war, we were spending more than 4 times that amount, we have cut that down to 4 percent. That is why we were not able to get the necessary intelligence in Port-au-Prince, because the decision was made by the Executive Office and by the Congress of the United States to spend the bulk of the money for high technology.
I wish I could describe some of the systems that we have at this moment, but I am certain all of us are aware that at this moment, above us in the atmosphere are all sorts of devices. If it were not for those devices, the battle in the desert,
Operation Desert Storm, may have turned out a little differently. Those satellites told us where the tanks were. Those satellites told us where the artillery pieces were. Those satellites told us about the Iraqi troop movements. And those satellites saved thousands of lives.
I wish we had more spies in Port-au-Prince who could have reported back to us as to what to expect if our forces landed there. But a decision was made to reduce human intelligence. If I could give you the dollar figures, you would know we are spending very, very little for spies.
I would like to suggest, if this is agreeable with the author of the amendment, that we temporarily set aside this amendment to permit Members of the Senate who may wish to do so to go to room S-207 to look over the budget and see how we are spending our money.
It is difficult for Members of this body to discuss this and debate this issue. I am certain those who are listening to our debate might find this is all mumbo-jumbo. I do not intend to do that, but the laws of secrecy prevent me from describing how we spend these billions of dollars. But I am certain even the uninitiated realize that satellites cost money; rockets that send them up cost money. They cost much, much more than the hiring of spies.
Last year, as I indicated, we cut the budget by 10 percent. This year, we further cut that by $1.498 billion. If we adopt this amendment, it will not put the intelligence community out of business. But I agree with the Director of Central Intelligence that it will have an effect on the quality of intelligence that can be provided to our President, to the Department of Defense, and to agencies of the Government.
因此，我想建议参议院目前准备投票。我刚刚收到了领导人的消息，他想尽快进行投票，因为参议院需要进行索马里的辩论，我相信辩论将需要大约4个小时。
因此，如果可能的话，我希望我们可以在接下来的几分钟内对此进行投票。
主审官。The Senator from Arizona.
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Mr.DeConcini。总统先生，尽管我了解杰出参议员与阿肯色州和其他可能支持他的修正案的人的动机结果我们没有人想要。
我想提醒我的同事，这里有几点。
首先,情报活动的预算,in fact, been steadily declining for the last 4 years. Last year, Congress took the first really substantial cut in 20 years and I supported every penny of it. Indeed, I voted for the amendment offered by SenatorBumpers去年，情报委员会推荐的削减幅度要大。实际上，去年国会最终批准的资金水平低于阿肯色州参议员所寻求的水平。
今年,情报委员会推荐ing another substantial reduction in the administration's request. While the level of funding recommended by the committee for fiscal year 1994 remains classified pursuant to executive branch policy, suffice it to say that the amount of funding recommended is less than last year's appropriated level. It will force the intelligence community to restructure its plans at a lower level of expenditure.
We have already imposed a 17.5 percent across-the-board personnel cut in all agencies of the intelligence community by 1997. They are struggling to meet this requirement.
在过去几年中，这种削减措施取决于国防部和其他机构内已经采取的重大减少，这意味着额外的合并和缩小情报组件的尺寸。
简而言之，总统先生，事情朝着参议员的方向发展Bumperswants. We are cutting intelligence; we are downsizing the personnel force; and we are streamlining and consolidating functions.
同时，我们不能忽略，尽管冷战结束了，但对情报有合法和持续的要求。
首先，重要的是要认识到，在冷战期间，美国情报局的重点，即苏联及其华沙条约盟国构成的军事威胁，尽管发生了变化，但并未完全消失。三个保留在俄罗斯共和国，乌克兰和卡萨克斯坦的前苏联共和国约有30,000名战略和战术核武器。尽管这些共和国的政府不再对美国敌对，目前似乎不太可能成为对这些武器的控制，以防止其损失极端主义国家或恐怖分子，但仍然是美国的重大关注点。
Indeed, the United States has a serious stake in preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, whether they be nuclear, chemical or
biological weapons, as well as the proliferation of missile systems able to deliver these weapons over long distances. It is clear that several states--some of whom are hostile to the United States or have unstable relationships with neighboring countries--countries like North Korea, Libya, Iran, and Iraq--are attempting to become nuclear states or are developing chemical or biological weapons. Should they succeed in developing these capabilities, other States in the same region may decide they have no alternative but to follow a similar path.
情报界监视现有的大规模杀伤性武器的控制和运动，并跟踪这些武器的开发和生产以及旨在实现它们的系统。这些努力的结果一直是美国外交行动的基础，并越来越多地向负责监视符合旨在防止此类武器和相关交付系统的条约的国际机构提供。
情报界还提供了核对美国签署的许多双边和多边协议的唯一手段。此外，情报界在建议参与谈判的美国外交官方面发挥了关键作用。
同样，要求情报界监测联合国或美国在单方面或多边的国际经济或军事制裁的有效性。这些努力的结果经常导致外交或军事行动，以执行或实施有关的制裁或禁运。
情报界的很大一部分努力是为了支持美国军事力量，在超级大国冲突的结束时，必须为各种新的意外事件做准备。虽然显然释放了核破坏的威胁，但已释放出了超级大国冲突以前在检查以前举行的长期种族，文化和政治竞争。在全球范围内已经产生了区域冲突，并且越来越难以预测美国军事力量的部署地点，一旦部署的目标将是什么，或者他们可能面临的军事威胁。情报界的工作是预期可能发生此类部署的地方，并维持能够支持此类意外事件的信息基础。
此功能不仅需要确定反对军事或准军事部队的能力和脆弱性，而且还需要收集用于计划美国运营的信息，针对数据来指导美国“智能”武器，数据以应对敌人的雷达和传感器，否则可能威胁到敌人的雷达和传感器美国飞机和其他军事支持功能。
一旦部署了美国部队，情报界通常会带来其全部能力，以实现任务的快速成功并保护美国的生活和资源。
情报界越来越多地支持联合的运营部署
Nations peacekeeping forces as well, providing intelligence on threats to the safety and mission of such forces. This has recently occurred in support of UN operations in Cambodia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Clearly, where U.S. Forces are participating in U.N. operations, as they currently are in Somalia, the level of intelligence support is substantially enhanced. As our forces there face growing and more serious threats to their safety, having reliable intelligence becomes absolutely critical.
In addition to supporting military operations, the intelligence community also provides support to the planning of U.S. military force structures and tactics, as well as to the research, development and acquisition of military weapons and equipment by the Department of Defense. Even in an era of military downsizing, the intelligence community continues to provide literally thousands of defense planners and contractors with information concerning foreign military capabilities which must be taken into account as they assess U.S. military needs of the future and build the capabilities to match them.
The end of the cold war has also seen increasing recognition of the importance of a strong domestic economy as an element of U.S. national security. This recognition has caused a reexamination of the intelligence community's capabilities and proper role in terms of supporting the competitive position of U.S. industry abroad. While there are clear pitfalls to be avoided in this area, intelligence agencies are increasingly being called upon by Federal agencies which are charged with promoting U.S. competitiveness abroad--principally, the Departments of State, Commerce, and Treasury--to alert them to cases in which there is a need to keep the playing field level for U.S. business interests abroad. Similarly, the Federal Bureau of Investigation [FBI] and other elements of the intelligence community provide information to firms within the United States which indicates such firms may be the subject of an intelligence attack by foreign governments or by persons or companies acting under the sponsorship of a foreign government.
情报界在反恐和反恐领域中也发挥了重要的作用，尽管在很大程度上看不见。
联邦调查局情报部门负责跟踪和监视美国境内可能的国际恐怖活动。中央情报局和其他情报机构参与了国外恐怖活动的监测。这种监视包括跟踪已知或怀疑的恐怖分子的运动，开发有关其培训，战术，操作和设备的信息，以及开发有关恐怖组织与外国政府之间关系的信息。美国与其他政府的当局共享了由于这种监测而开发的信息，他们的国民或资源可能受到恐怖活动的威胁。这种监测的目标是防止恐怖事件发生，例如联邦调查局最近采取的措施防止在纽约市进行一系列轰炸和暗杀，或者逮捕和起诉恐怖行为的肇事者，例如几年前，轰炸了世界贸易中心或泛滥的103。在每种引用的案例中，情报界发挥了重要的作用
role in preventing or redressing terrorist incidents involving U.S. citizens or property.
counteri的情报机构的角色ng international narcotics activities is also significant but not well appreciated. U.S. Intelligence capabilities are frequently used to determine where narcotic substances are being grown or produced in foreign countries, to determine where narcotics are being shipped or transported, to understand the network used to produce and distribute these narcotics, or to learn where proceeds from their sale are being used or deposited. This information is turned over not only to U.S. drug enforcement authorities, but to appropriate authorities in other governments to identify and locate the individuals involved in such activities and to preclude them from successfully carrying out their plans. Often, there is only an indirect benefit to the United States, and more often than not the role of U.S. Intelligence agencies is not publicly acknowledged by other governments. Suffice it to say, the involvement of U.S. Intelligence often provides the key to a successful raid on a drug installation in a foreign country or a successful interception of narcotics in international transit.
最后，总统和其他主要政策制定者持续需要有关其他政府的意图和能力的秘密，无公开可用的信息。可以肯定的是，自冷战结束以来，世界政治环境变得更加开放，外国领导人更容易获得。近年来，随着技术爆炸的帮助，美国与其他政府之间的通信变得更加庞大，直接和及时。新闻媒体立即将有关世界事件的图像和评论刷到全球所有点。
Still, the President needs a capability to assess what other governments are saying. Are events as they seem? Can the President rely upon what other governments are saying privately or what they state publicly? How firm is their position? What is their reaction likely to be if the United States takes a particular action and not another? Are U.S. interests threatened and, if so, how?
美国情报界通过试图收集和分析有关其他政府的行动或态度的信息，通常能够向总统和其他政策制定者提供独特的见解。有时，这些信息为美国一项重要的外交或军事倡议提供了可靠的基础，这些倡议本来不会尝试。这并不是说美国情报所做的贡献一直是独特的，可靠的或可行的。我本人批评情报界对波斯湾战争期间的前苏联和伊拉克的军事实力的分析。我简单地注意到，有时智力的贡献是无价的。
It should also be noted, that intelligence capabilities often require long lead times to establish and cannot easily be reconstituted once lost. This is true for sophisticated technical collection programs as well as for human intelligence activities which rely upon developing and maintaining human collectors with the desired access to information. Neither can be accomplished overnight.
情报委员会必须将其考虑到其思维中。1年内决定终止或大幅度减少计划的决定可能意味着在需要的情况下，未来几年将无法获得某些功能。我们必须对冲我们的赌注。在某些情况下，必须有义务对新举措的义务，这将使政府能够在将来取消较旧的计划，最终更昂贵的计划。在其他情况下，我们必须拒绝在1年内提出的提案，以便以后再考虑更有希望的选择。简而言之，在提出参议院的建议时，情报委员会试图评估情报预算不仅是在今年的需求方面，而且要确保合理（尽管较小）的能力来满足未来的需求，以满足未来的需求美国的生命和资源可能有可能面临风险。
This is an arcane and complex field. People tend to think of it in terms of spies in trenchcoats. The reality is, it's computers and sensors and rocket launches. It is not for amateurs, and we are indeed fortunate in the Senate to have a group of professionals on the staff of the intelligence committee who scrub the details of all these activities and give those of us who serve on the committee an objective, unvarnished assessment of their worth. These assessments are available for every Member of the Senate to read, Mr. President, at the committee offices, and I encourage them to do so.
我的倾向，像参议员一样Bumpers, is to find a way to cut the intelligence budget. With the defense budget going down, with the end of the cold war, we cannot afford--Nor do we need--as elaborate or as comprehensive an intelligence capability as we once had.
Downsizing must occur and is occurring. But we must be mindful of the continuing security needs of the country: to protect our people and resources, to support our military forces, to provide the President with information. Without a doubt, the United States has the most capable intelligence apparatus in the world, and I want to keep it that way. I think we can do so even in a period of downsizing, but we must be prudent and attack the problem at a measured pace, if the United States is to maintain a capability adequate to support its national security needs, both now and for the future.
I simply do not think it would be prudent to go further and deeper this year. I urge my colleagues to vote against the Bumpers amendment.
总统先生，我感谢法案经理夏威夷参议员的启发性声明，说明我们已经在减少情报领域所做的一切。我必须反对阿肯色州参议员的修正案。
Let me say in doing so, I stood shoulder to shoulder with the Senator, and he knows so. So it is not that I am here trying to defend something that is important to this committee chairman, that we cannot go ahead and take further reductions.
我们所做的是，在过去的三年中，我们逐年减少了情报预算。我是其中的一部分。我试图另外削减它，我们无法将选票放在一起。我们必须建立一个联盟。但是我们在这里确实减少了。
这项修正案已提交本辩护拨款法案，我想明确表示，它旨在削减委员会建议的资金水平。我们花了几个月的时间来解决这个问题。我们花了数周的时间组建一个联盟来进一步减少，这就是我们所做的。
正如夏威夷参议员所说，拨入情报活动的金额仍被归类。有一个动作来解密这一点。我是一个经过convert依的人，也许我们应该把这个人弄清楚，这样我们就可以谈论它，这样就不会在这里被掩盖，就像我们真的在说实话吗？我们真的在切割吗？我可以说我们真的在切割。
可以说，国防拨款法案规定了一定程度的削减，该削减已经低于情报委员会建议的削减。正如阿肯色州的参议员说，情报委员会不仅削减了生活成本。我会说这是真的。我们额外的削减幅度低于去年的水平。因此，除了没有生活成本之外，我们进行了真正的削减。
当然，有人可以在这里出来，说我们花了数十亿美元在情报上，我们得到了什么？我们没有信息，无法在摩加迪沙找到辅助，所以，我的天哪，我们必须失败。或者他们可以说：“看海地，我们不知道海地发生了什么。”我们知道海地发生了什么，我们的情报为我们提供了一些有关海地的好信息。他们说，这些将军不会放弃。他们不会让总统回来。发生什么了？我们的总统派遣了我们的部队，他们不会让他们回来。那是很好的智慧。
That is the information we had. We were hopeful that maybe it was wrong or maybe they would back down, and they did not. The cuts being sought by the Senator from Arkansas would mean still further reductions in the amounts being recommended by the Intelligence Committee. In the case of the National Intelligence Program, he wants to cut another $300 million, and in the case of tactical programs, another $100 million. I voted with SenatorBumpersin the past--a year ago--when he offered an amendment to the Defense appropriations bill which called for an additional $1 billion in cuts. I did it because I felt he was right. We did not succeed. But in fact, we have done that now. We are cutting, make no mistake about it. The intelligence part of this DOD bill is a substantial cut. It is not an increase.
去年，它被大大削减了。实际上，国会去年最终批准的情报预算降至参议员的水平Bumpersproposed in his amendment last year. That did not just happen. Then the chairman, Senator波伦, took it upon himself to build a coalition within the Intelligence Committee and, believe me, that is no easy task because there are those who feel we should spend more and more and more on intelligence. I am not one of them. He was able to build that coalition to enact a budget, an authorization bill that reduced it below what the Senator from Arkansas offered last year, and I joined that.
它还预测了未来5年的情况。那是今年的减少，实际削减了2％。我们与政府遇到了一些争吵。总统说，从他进来的那一年起，有70亿美元的价格。那是我们前进的地方，这是我们的目标，因此，如果我与之有任何关系，我们将成为他们的目标。
我们有一些争吵与导演。我们工作them out, not with the Director, but with the committee, which insisted on an additional cut.
我们建议今年又一次削减，这是政府原始要求的又一重大削减，从本质上讲，在去年的适当水平上持有该线路。
The proposed bill would continue for a fifth consecutive year the downward spiral that was already instituted before President Clinton was elected and before his budget came up, which had a growth factor in it for this year, the year we are debating, for next fiscal year, which we are already in.
情报委员会建议级别今年维持。与1989年的拨款相比，总体情报资源将实际减少13％以上。这是一个显着的减少，而不仅仅是天空中的馅饼。
查看其他辩护项目，尤其是来自阿肯色州参议员的一些辩护物品 - 根据我的判断，他们之后 - 之后，他们已经增加了，或者是非防御项目，例如
the superconducting super collider and space station, and they have gone up.
In addition to those funding cuts, Congress has already levied an across-the-board personnel cut of 17.5 percent in all intelligence agencies, including the CIA, by 1997. We did that last year, and we are implementing that right now, and we are going to get there.
So it is hard to say we have a bloated organization here that is mushrooming out of sight. The Senator from Arkansas will say we have intelligence agencies and do not even know where they are. If he wants to know where they are, come down to the Intelligence Committee. We will give him everything we have, and we have a lot. I think we do know where they are. We know what they spend. I spend a lot of time, as do members of that committee, reviewing what they spend their money on, and sometimes we disagree.
The cuts being recommended this year by the committee are deeper than those which were passed by the House. The House wisely defeated two floor amendments to make further cuts, and they were defeated by big margins. So we are talking about the amount of cuts here, not whether or not we have cuts. The Senator from Arkansas wants another $400 million. Believe me, if I could stand up here in good conscience and say, `Yes, let's do another $400 million,' I would do it. But we have looked at this as carefully as we can. It has taken a lot of time, and we have a real reduction here. We should go no further.
The President sent a letter to the chairman of the House committee saying he vigorously opposed the further cuts, as did Jim Woolsey. Actually, the Director of the CIA wanted an increase of 3 percent, and he was able to finally convince the administration and OMB to suggest that in the budget. We did not give that to him. The administration continues to tell us overall cuts of $7 billion over the next 4 years, and I believe that we will meet that, and that is exactly where the bill before us sits today to do just that. The cuts to intelligence incorporated in the DOD appropriations bill, in fact, represents the approach that the President said he wanted in his campaign.
我必须说，他对今年的预算要求有所转移。我们在委员会中迫使它，因为该法案在国防小组委员会中迫使该法案保持了70亿美元的削减。
该修正案的问题在于，它将施加一定程度的削减，超出情报或拨款委员会建议的削减水平，而国家外国情报计划无法轻易吸收。当您处理机密数字时，很容易说：“哦，剪裁，只有数十亿美元，而我们不需要的数百人，分析师”，并阅读了前中央情报局的一封信董事说，可以削减大量或数十亿美元。没错，这正是我们所做的。我们削减了数十亿美元，我们将继续这样做。
我很遗憾的是，来自阿肯色州的参议员认为他需要作为进一步减少的领导者的巨大声望，这是这位参议员加入的，因为我对我们为这个身体提供的东西感到自豪。实际上，小组委员会的杰出主席和排名成员说，我们将进一步削减。因此，这不是针对反对它的批评的合法目标。
I invite Senators, any of them--and I have talked to the Senator from Arkansas--to come down to the Intelligence Committee. We have analysts there, we have auditors there that work for the Senate, work for him, and they are prepared to show you the books. We have the books. They are not cooked. Someone may say, `Oh, the books from these agencies are cooked.' They are not cooked down at the committee. We pride ourselves in that independence. We have done audits on some of these different programs, and we have found mistakes, and we have made corrections.
I do not say for a moment that more cannot be done, but they are doing it right at this moment. That is what the Senator should do; come down and satisfy himself so at least he is satisfied, if he loses tonight, that we are making cuts. Do not step out and say we are just building up, we are just adding more money to intelligence, it is out of control, because it is not.
在我看来，这项修正案在我们已经进行了大量削减的时候，太深了。我敦促我的同事击败参议员从阿肯色州提供的修正案。
[Page: S13413]
Mr. METZENBAUM addressed the Chair.
主审官。The Senator from Ohio is recognized.
Metzenbaum先生。总统先生，我从阿肯色州的尊敬的同事支持参议员支持我尊敬的同事的修正案Bumpers。But in doing so, I wish to pay my respects to the distinguished chairman of the Intelligence Committee.
SenatorDeConcini他为与情报预算有关的支出带来了理性和逻辑的努力一直是艰苦的。他的琐事并不总是那么容易，因为实际上，该委员会的选票只有这么多的选票愿意比他的领导下的削减措施走得更远。
但事实是，本参议员认为，可以而且应该进行额外的削减。因此，我支持来自阿肯色州参议员的修正案。但是，这样一来，我向亚利桑那州的参议员表示敬意，后者确实提供了一些非常强大，有能力的领导才能试图为情报预算带来一些逻辑和理由。
In all candor, I must say that the previous chairperson of the same committee, Senator波伦, also was receptive to making cuts. But it is tough to make cuts when you have a solid block of Senators, none of whom is willing to consider any cut whatsoever, and a divided block of Senators on our side of the aisle, some of whom are willing to make cuts and others who are not. So when you are the chair of a committee under those circumstances, you try to find some middle ground so that you can achieve a majority vote. The Senator from Arizona has done that and done that very well.
Notwithstanding that, this Senator believes further cuts in the intelligence budget should and could be made and that we owe it to the American people to make those cuts.
The Senate Intelligence Committee may have held the line against increased spending on intelligence, but the fact is there is ample room for further reductions.
I must say that the amounts proposed by the Senator from Arkansas are rather modest in amount, and I believe that if they eliminated just some of the waste that has been testified to in hearings I have sat through--and I must say I have sat through some hearings and said this is unbelievable, this is incredible, that you are spending these kinds of dollars; you do not know what you are spending them on and are not providing the kind of intelligence you should be providing.
My colleagues in this body are well aware that the American people cannot be told the total amount of money appropriated for U.S. intelligence because it is classified.
So while SenatorBumpersmay call for a $300 million cut in national intelligence and a $100 million cut in technical
intelligence, we cannot stand in the Chamber and explain publicly how large or small a dent that will make in those budgets. Whether it is a 5-percent or 50-percent or an 80-percent or 100-percent cut, we are not allowed to talk about that. We can discuss, however, some of the reasons why a floor amendment is needed.
这就是为什么国会的情报和拨款委员会无法使我们中许多人知道的那种减少，应该做出。美国情报界是一个巨大的机构。它实际上在中央情报局，国防情报局，国家安全局，国家侦察局，中央图像局以及我们军事力量的大小单位和几个行政部门部门中，在中央情报机构，国防情报局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局，国家安全局和几个行政部门中，都雇用了数万人。
Over the past few years the intelligence community's military personnel in particular have begun a gradual but significant drawdown. The impact of this drawdown and of the withdrawal of U.S. military forces from many overseas locations has been to prompt some very useful reorganization and streamlining of the military intelligence system.
Civilian personnel levels are also under pressure, but only to a lesser extent. Perhaps because the end of the cold war made some of our military preparations so clearly and obviously unnecessary, we have been much more willing to end people's military careers than we have been to give pink slips to civilian personnel.
但是，人员削减了智能，只抓到了情报预算的表面。如果您想在智能上节省真正的节省，则不仅要削减人事级别，还要削减系统和机构。
Are there places to make such cuts in the intelligence budget? Of course there are. There can be no argument about that. But there is nothing we can cut that will not cause some pain somewhere. Reducing the intelligence budget is like pulling teeth these days, and there is no painless dentistry in this process.
一个例子：我们的情报系统仍然投入数百万美元来维护最初旨在了解所有前苏联的系统，并将这些信息赶回美国分析师和军事领导人。我们可以没有很多信息。
But for every program of that sort, there is a general or an admiral somewhere who worries he might need that information in the event of a war.
将军提醒我们，正如我们最近在索马里看到的那样，战争是地狱，战争损失了生命，没有军事指挥官愿意牺牲生命，尤其是如果更多的智力支出可以降低这种风险。因此，每个指挥官都希望更多地发挥作用，每个指挥官都抱怨他所获得的情报中的短缺，就像施瓦尔茨科普将军在海湾战争之后所做的那样。
情报委员会按照我们必须听取这些投诉。问题是我们没有，实际上我们无法平衡这些主张与我们国家财政部的其他主张。有人认为，这里的另外10亿美元或20亿美元可能会在下一场战争中挽救数十或数百人的生命。但是，如果相同的数十亿美元用于更好的医疗保健或更负担得起的住房，改善教育或更多的执法人员或更安全的汽车，我们可以在下一场战争之前挽救多少生命，甚至是减少赤字的大胆想法，切割赤字和靠近平衡的预算。
The Intelligence Committees cannot make these tradeoffs and the Budget Committee cannot do that either since the intelligence budget is secret and is largely hidden in the defense budget. So it is here on the floor of the Senate that we must make such hard choices.
让我给你一个例子。我们花了数十亿美元的智能（无论是来自俄罗斯，波斯尼亚，索马里或海地）的情报，这给了我们几乎没有从CNN中学到的东西。而且这通常不像CNN那样快地到达我们。
我永远不会忘记我走出情报委员会的封闭听证会的那一天，这是一个非常
critical issue that was before us. We all knew we were sworn to secrecy. It was an issue the American people wanted to know about, but we knew none of us could speak publicly about it. My wife, whom I called after the hearing, said, `What happened?' I said, `I am in no position to tell you.' And she said, `Well, didn't this, this, and this happen?' I said, `How do you know?' She said, `I just heard it on national TV.'
这一次又一次地发生了。我已经摆脱了情报简介，比从情报简介中学到的更多有关特定领域正在发生的事情的了解更多，我从国家电视台中学到了它。这不一定是因为中央情报局或其他情报机构的浪费或效率低下，但我必须说，这有很多令人难以置信的数量。
I cannot forget the day I sat in an Intelligence Committee hearing and learned about a particular project that was involved in a particular community in this country, and nobody in the community knew anything about it. But it was a fact that there was $1 million a year being spent on it, and there was not anybody--it was not a matter of being covert. It was a matter of a public facility involved, and yet the fact is the public facility was not even noticed, notwithstanding the fact that it was a very, very public facility.
It is simply a fact of life that all of the intelligence officers in the world cannot always tell you what is going to happen everywhere at once. But our Government keeps trying to find out everything, often acting in the short run as though money were no object. And whenever our foreign policy fails to anticipate some development, the first whipping boy is the so-called `faulty intelligence.' So the intelligence agencies throw more and more money at problems even though they know full well that often it does very little good.
同样，我们可以向情报委员会求助，以解决这种方法，但这很难做到。情报委员会上没有人愿意走到地板上并告诉他们的同事，这是一个预算，明年的预算将比今天所获得的外国情报更少。就像没有人愿意在冷战期间盖上军队一样，所以没有人愿意为我们预期在一个巨大不稳定的世界中预见事件的能力盖帽。
But how much can we afford? What is the limit as to what we should spend on intelligence?
我们真的可以负担我们情报服务想要推出的每颗卫星吗？我们真的可以负担让每项兵役运营自己的科学和技术分析中心吗？我们真的可以负担我们可能想拥有的所有高批量通信线路，以便每种类型的情报信息都可以立即向世界各地的每个美国军事指挥官和平民决策者拍摄吗？
Our committees do a serious job of trying to make sure we get what we pay for in U.S. intelligence, although I am frank to say that I think further budget cuts would result in still greater efficiency. But the committee simply cannot make the cosmic decisions. They cannot be expected to decide how much is enough when the perceived costs of any mistake in judgment are so high.
总统先生和参议员，这取决于我们所有人Bumpershas done us all a favor by proposing this amendment. He is affording us all the opportunity to consider the Nation's priorities.
有问题的金额为4亿美元，似乎很小。但这是我们的一次机会，说没有空白的智力检查，每个部门都必须分享重组美国经济的痛苦。
从长远来看，这是我们一个机会决定我们在家中的需求对国家安全至关重要，而对外国能力和意图的无限信息的需求至关重要，这可能仍然令人担忧对我们来说，现在比过去几十年来威胁我们生存的可能性要小得多。
I share the view of my colleague from Arkansas that we can no longer afford the high intelligence budgets of the past. And I urge my colleagues to think hard about what else the last $400 million of that budget can be used for, be it for good works or simply for reducing the budget deficit. If each of us thinks hard about that, we can pass this amendment and make Government spending a little more sensible.
几位参议员向主席讲话。
主审官。The minority leader is recognized.
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多尔先生。总统先生，我知道杰出的多数党领袖将非常简短地获得一致同意协议，这一点非常重要。我们想做到这一点，以便我们可以继续辩论未决的修正案。它处理索马里问题；两个修正案。
I wonder if my colleagues might object if I put in a brief quorum call so the majority leader might come in and make the request. It is going to be a 4-hour debate. If we do not get started on that. We could be here a long time.
我希望我们可以将此修正案放在一边。
Here is the majority leader now. I can say to the majority leader that the agreement has been cleared on this side.
我屈服于地板。
主审官。The majority leader is recognized.
米切尔先生。总统先生，我现在将提出一个一致的要求。如果获得批准，我将有关于主题的声明。
I now ask unanimous consent that SenatorBumpers' amendment and the committee amendments be laid aside, if necessary, and that Senator伯德be recognized to offer an amendment on Somalia in his behalf and in behalf of myself, SenatorDole， 和别的;参议员报告了修正案后McCainbe recognized to offer his amendment relative to the immediate withdrawal of United States troops from Somalia; that there be 4 hours for debate on the two amendments, with the time to be equally divided and under the control of Senators伯德andMcCain; that no other amendments or motions be in order until these two amendments are disposed of; and immediately upon the reporting of SenatorMcCain《修正案》，参议员伯德从他的控制时间开始，被认可长达30分钟；参议员结束后伯德's opening remarks, SenatorMcCain从他的控制时间开始，被认可长达30分钟；结论是有史以来参议员的结论或屈服瑟蒙德be recognized to move to table SenatorMcCain's amendment; that upon the disposition of SenatorMcCain修正参议院对参议员的投票或伯德's amendment; and, that the preceding occur without any intervening action or debate.
主审官。有异议吗?
保险公司先生。总统先生，保留反对权，我没有听到请求的第一部分。它包括将我的修正案放在一边吗？
米切尔先生。是的。它做了。
保险公司先生。到什么时候？
米切尔先生。Until these two amendments are disposed of which would be 4 hours.
保险公司先生。我可以胜任多数党领袖吗？我认为这项修正案只剩下大约15分钟的时间来处理它吗？
米切尔先生。Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
主审官。The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
米切尔先生。总统先生，我要求一致同意撤销法定人数的命令。
主审官。没有异议，它是如此有序。
米切尔先生。Mr. President, I modify my prior request as follows:
That Senator华纳be recognized to address the Senate for 2 minutes in opposition to the Bumpers amendment; that thereafter, SenatorSasserbe recognized for 2 minutes to address the Senate in support of the Bumpers amendment; that immediately following the conclusion of SenatorSasser言论，参议员Inouyebe recognized to move to table the Bumpers amendment; and that upon the disposition of the Bumpers amendment, the agreement which I previously stated then immediately take effect.
主审官。有异议吗?
Metzenbaum先生。Mr. President, reserving the right to object, and I do not intend to object. I just want to express my own keen sense of disappointment that, as I understand it, under this proposal the issue before us is whether or not we withdraw immediately under the McCain amendment or withdraw by March 31 under----
多尔先生。不迟于。
Metzenbaum先生。不迟于3月31日。我不打算妨碍投票。我知道领导者表明，随后可能会有另一项修正案带来日期。我认为，如果参议院在3月31日的日期采取行动，那将是一种徒劳的行为。
I just want to say that I wish we would have had a chance to vote on the original Byrd amendment. I think we should be bringing our troops home at an earlier date. I am aware that a number of respected Members of this body have been in negotiations on this subject with the White House. I respect that fact and do not intend to challenge that. I respect each of the Members who have been negotiating on this subject. But I do say that I wish we had a chance to vote on an earlier date. I will not object.
主审官。有异议吗?
没有异议，它是如此有序。
[页：S13415]
米切尔先生。Mr. President, I want to reiterate what I said to the Senator from Ohio and what he has just said. This agreement does not preclude any Senator from offering an amendment on Somalia. If the Senator from Ohio wants to offer an amendment after these amendments are disposed of setting any dates he wants or setting any other condition, he is free to do so. No Senator should be under any misimpression that anyone is precluded from offering an amendment as a consequence of this agreement.
The second point I want to make is that there have been negotiations over a 2-day period. I have described them generally in prior statements here on the floor with SenatorDole, and an agreement has been reached, as a result of which Senator伯德will offer an amendment on his behalf, my behalf, SenatorDole's, a number of other Senators, including Senator
华纳, SenatorNunn, Senator佩尔, who is here, Senator瑟蒙德, and others who participated in these discussions. I believe that the debate will be a good and vigorous and informative one, and that all Senators will benefit from participation, as will the American people.
I will speak to the substance of the amendment which I have been involved in, of course, with the other Senators in preparing it, and why I think the Byrd-Mitchell-Dole, et al amendment should pass.
总统先生,我现在想说清楚,prior agreement to which I earlier referred in a statement today, which stated that no amendments or motions on the subject of Somalia, or the basing or command of United States troops overseas, be in order unless they have been cleared by the majority leader, after consultation with the Republican leader, was intended only so we could complete the discussions and get the Somalia matter before us. After we complete the discussion and dispose of these two amendments, pursuant to this order, it is my intention to seek unanimous consent to vitiate this aspect of the prior order so that there would be no restraint on Senators in that regard.
I thank all of my colleagues for their patience and courtesy in this matter, and I yield the floor.
主审官。参议员被认可2分钟。
Metzenbaum先生。Will the majority leader yield for a question?
米切尔先生。是的。
Metzenbaum先生。Do I understand the procedure will be that we will debate this issue for 4 hours with no intervening amendments? That should take us to about 11 or 12 o'clock. If any Senator wishes to offer an amendment thereafter, is it the majority leader's thought that that would have to be offered 11 or 11:30 tonight or whenever the time has expired?
米切尔先生。No. We are going to continue on the bill.
Metzenbaum先生。明天？
米切尔先生。明天。我希望我们今晚可以通过它，但是显然需要很多时间才能在这里完成工作。明天，也许是星期一，也许是此后。
Mr. WARNER addressed the Chair.
主审官。Under the order, the Senator from Virginia is recognized.
华纳先生。总统先生，我反对阿肯色州参议员的修正案。我的荣幸在情报委员会任职，我已经服务了大约5年。现在，我作为委员会的副主席与我的杰出同事和亚利桑那州的朋友分享了委员会领导的责任。DeConcini, the committee's chairman. The Senator from Arizona has very ably stated many points which I feel are sufficient grounds for the Members of the Senate to accept the position that this is a very unwise amendment.
总统先生，我想添加另外两个事实。随着我们在许多方面（主要是在国防部预算部门）中缩减国家安全的削减时，情报成为了力量乘数。它使武装部队的男人和女人能够拥有履行其职责至关重要的信息 - 最重要的主题，例如区域不稳定性，武器积累和战术军事信息，尤其是与任务有关的任务高风险地区，例如索马里或波斯尼亚。
So this intelligence force multiplier is extremely valuable and essential in a dangerous world, especially when the United States is reducing the size of its Armed Forces. This amendment would tend to undercut the ability of the various agencies engaged in intelligence to provide that service to the men and women in the Armed Forces.
I ask unanimous consent that a letter dated October 5, 1993, from the Director of Central Intelligence addressed to the Senator from Virginia be printed in theRecord。
因为没有异议,这封信是下令to be printed in theRecord, as follows:
导演
Central Intelligence,
华盛顿特区，1993年10月5日。
荣誉。约翰·华纳（John Warner），
美国参议院，
Washington, DC.
Dear Senator Warner:参议院不久将占据H.R. 3116，1994年的《国防部拨款法》。我非常关注一项修正案，该修正案可能会提出将情报支出降低到参议院拨款委员会已经批准的水平以下。我认为，对这种修正案的认可将对我们为总统，我们的军事和其他政策制定者提供准确和及时的情报的能力产生有害影响。此外，政府已记录在案，反对进一步削减情报的预算。
我当然认识到并支持迫切需要减少支出，以减少预算赤字。智力不能免于这种减少。这就是为什么总统承诺将1993 - 1997财年中的国家和战术情报预算综合要求减少了70亿美元，而与前任政府相比。参议院拨款委员会进一步建议将我们1994财年的预算要求减少到本计划以下数亿美元。
Some will argue that even these further reductions do not go far enough, and that the end of the cold war justifies a much reduced intelligence capability. I strongly disagree. The threats to this country, its friends, and allies from terrorists and from third-world countries seeking weapons of mass destruction and the means to deliver them are very real and growing. This reality has recently been brought home by the bombing of the World Trade Center, the plot to bomb other buildings and assassinate prominent U.S. officials, and weapons proliferation in the Mid-East and elsewhere. Intelligence has been instrumental in preventing terrorist attacks and in slowing the efforts by countries hostile to the U.S. to acquire weapons of mass destruction. Now is not the time to weaken that intelligence capability through further budget reductions.
It is true that the cold war is over. But to take one example, the demise of the Soviet Union has had no effect on international narcotics cartels, which continue to pour poison into this country. Furthermore, the dissolution of the Soviet empire has left in its wake wars of nationalism and ethnic strife. With a smaller military force, our ability to use, or credibly be able to use, military power to deal with these regional issues is very heavily dependent on accurate intelligence. Stated another way, intelligence is a tried and true force multiplier. Additional cuts could result in delay and disruption of a sensible plan for the consolidation and modernization of our important satellite systems and leave our deployed military forces at risk.
收集有关恐怖主义的情报，大规模杀伤性武器，外国经济政策和麻醉品卡特尔以及爆炸性地区和敌对军事力量的情报既不容易，也不是便宜的。的确，与遵循旧苏联的许多活动相比，收集和融合这些主题的情报要困难得多。我相信我们在情报上的新重点对我国的国家安全至关重要。
I hope you share my desire to make prudent, but only prudent, reductions to the previous intelligence funding plan while still maintaining an intelligence community and resources capable of supporting our policymakers and military forces as they meet the national security challenges of the 1990s. I would appreciate your support in the upcoming debate on the intelligence budget.
真挚地，
R. James Woolsey.
华纳先生。I want to read a portion, one paragraph:
恐怖分子和寻求大规模杀伤性武器的第三世界国家对这个国家，其朋友和盟友的威胁和交付他们的手段是非常真实和成长的。最近，这一现实是由世界贸易中心轰炸，轰炸其他建筑物和暗杀美国著名官员的阴谋以及中东和其他地方的武器扩散的。情报一直在防止恐怖袭击和减缓美国敌对获得大规模杀伤性武器的国家的努力方面发挥作用。现在不是通过进一步降低预算来削弱情报能力的时候了。
My time has expired. To accommodate the leadership, I yield the floor.
[页：S13416]
主审官。The Senator from Tennessee.
萨瑟先生。总统先生，再次是参议院解决该国情报界支出的问题了。还应该问我们情报机构是否有必要在预算保密的斗篷下继续运作，是否有必要继续运作。
We spend a great deal of money on intelligence programs. Of course, the exact amount remains classified. However, it is widely known that intelligence programs represent a sizable element of the Federal budget. The popular media places the aggregate cost of intelligence; that is, funding for the CIA, NSA, and tactical defense intelligence programs--at around $28 billion, roughly 10 percent of the Defense budget.
我不会确认也不会否认这个数字。真实数量仍然是秘密。然而，可以说，在预算和艰难选择的日子里，情报预算仍然相当大。对于婴儿，妇女和儿童来说，它肯定比资金大。它肯定比头开始大。我们在情报上花费的钱比在外交和外国援助上的花费更多。联邦政府在情报上的花费比在教育方面要多。
总统先生现在是时候审查这些优先事项了。
This amendment will cut $400 million from the intelligence
budget. This is a real savings--a real reduction in the deficit.
Will this cut endanger our national security? No, it will not. Intelligence budgets grew by healthy margins in the 1980's. If these agencies are crippled, it is by their own design, not a lack of budgetary resources.
实际上，这项修正可能会导致关于智力支出的更开放和健康的辩论。到目前为止，这些计划几乎完全超出了预算过程。作为秘密预算，情报计划在很大程度上仍未公开审查。
Ostensibly, this secrecy protects our intelligence sources and methods. The argument goes that if we publish information about the intelligence budget, a foreign intelligence service might be able to glean trends in U.S. intelligence from this data.
但是，我们担心哪些外国情报服务。我们中央情报局的董事现在直接与俄罗斯的同行会面。我们是否担心法国人，英国人或日本人可能能够从我们的情报预算公开披露中收集一些有用的信息？
不，我相信这种保密的真正目的是将情报界避免对这些计划支出的优点进行公开辩论。总统先生，您会看到，保密，将几乎所有批评者排除在审查这些计划之外。
在冷战深处，也许这是必要的。但是在这个新世界的秩序中，国内和国防预算都在缩小 - 支出越来越困难 - 是时候辩论情报支出的优点，看看是否可以将这些资源投入到更有生产力使用。
This amendment would start this process by simply curbing spending on intelligence programs ever so slightly. This amendment cuts less than 1 1/2 percent of intelligence spending. Less than 1 1/2 percent. Funding for intelligence programs, even if this amendment is passed, will remain robust.
This amendment will give us some breathing room and some savings. It will encourage a reevaluation of the role of the intelligence community in the new world order. Mr. Woolsey, the new head of the CIA, has advocated a new look. But any such action must be taken in light of a realistic budgetary environment. This amendment makes that budgetary environment clear. Future spending levels for these programs are going to have to be constrained.
In conclusion, Mr. President, I would like to state that many men and women have served our intelligence agencies with distinction over the years. This amendment is not aimed against them. Even the former chief of the National Security Agency, Lt. Gen. Bill Odom, has stated that even a pretty healthy cut in the U.S. intelligence budget would not hurt the ranks of intelligence. I share this view.
There savings are possible, necessary, and desirable. This amendment does not threaten our national security. It will not gut our intelligence agencies. It is a good amendment and I am pleased
to join with my friend from Arkansas in sponsoring it to reduce the expenditures for the intelligence community by $400 million.
让我们确切清楚这项修正案的作用。这项修正案将使情报活动的支出减少约1 1/2％ - 削减了1 1/2％；就是这样。
在苏联倒闭之前，我们被告知，在情报界花费的80％的资金用于发展有关苏联的情报。现在苏联走了。不再了。但是，我们仍然被告知，情报预算没有大量削减。
Now, we are simply here this evening trying to make the most modest reduction in this largely cold war relic. Make no mistake, Mr. President, it is not a mystery as to why the intelligence budget remains a secret. If we can lay this budget out here and debate it and discuss it in full view of the American people, then I think they would clearly see that many of these expenditures are grossly exaggerated.
一位非常杰出的美国人比尔·奥多姆（Bill Odom）中将退休，前国家安全局局长，他是旧情报界的唯一成员，建议不要进入索马里，我知道- 他反对它。他是我知道的唯一一个。奥多姆中将说，即使在美国情报预算中，他也没有损害智力的行列。总统先生，我分享这一观点。
Mr. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the amendment offered by the Senator from Arkansas [Mr.Bumpers].
I had the opportunity to serve on the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence for 8 years--serving as its vice chairman for the 2 years prior to this past January.
And I had the rare privilege of serving in that capacity at a rather momentous time in history.
在担任副主席任期期间，我们目睹了苏联的沦陷。
然后，我们从一个专注于一个单一的单层威胁的一个开始，开始了国家情报界的转变。专注于更复杂但仍然危险的世界的各种较小威胁的特征。
当我担任副主席时，我们还经历了沙漠盾牌和沙漠风暴。
We saw our intelligence capabilities tested, and saw most of our intelligence systems and procedures validated.
But Desert Storm also revealed some weaknesses.
例如，我们不擅长传播一些我们最好的信号情报[Sigint]和图像到可以使用的战场。
In the wake of these events, Senator波伦,the distinguished chairman of the committee for much of the time I served, worked closely with members on a bipartisan basis.
我们进行了所需的改革，采取了一些重组计划，并根据后冷战世界的威胁和要求进行了一些真正的支出减少。
我们努力使情报更精简，更负责，更有效 - 我们甚至能够在此过程中节省数十亿美元。
我知道参议员DeConciniand华纳，who succeeded Senator波伦and I as chairman and vice chairman of the Intelligence Committee, have continued in that effort.
我也知道参议员Inouyeand史蒂文斯,the floor managers and distinguished leaders of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee, have also given great thought and attention to our intelligence requirements.
但是我恭敬地建议我的同事们，该领域的预算削减很容易走得太远。
克林顿总统发给国会的预算已经包含超过80亿美元的削减，与布什总统的冷战后预算预测相比，1993 - 97年间，国家外国情报计划[NFIP]削减了。
参议院情报和拨款委员会除此之外做出了额外的削减 - 现在我们有参议员Bumpersoffering even deeper cuts.
我会提醒我的同事参议员Bumpersoffered a similar amendment last year. The Senate rejected it by a vote of 35-57.
If we rejected the idea then--when the world seemed a somewhat less dangerous place than it does to many of us today--then we should certainly reject it now.
总统先生，我相信我们已经削减了足够的情报。确实，在目睹了过去几周的事件之后，我担心我们可能已经削减了太多。
It's true that the Soviet threat has transformed. But we still live in a world where intelligence targets are uncertain and diverse:
我们必须对恐怖威胁保持警惕，例如我们在世界贸易中心轰炸时目睹的威胁。
我们必须对试图获取新的大规模杀伤性武器及其交付新武器的国家的努力进行监视并进行国际审查。
We need to develop some new approaches in dealing with vast amounts of open source data emerging from formerly closed societies.
我们必须纠正沙漠风暴中揭示的情报缺陷，并做得更好，将智力掌握在战斗机手中。
我们必须继续重组和升级我们的人类情报工作。我们有一些精湛的技术收集方法 - 但是没有人类智能的替代品，尤其是当我们与诸如索马里军阀等低科技对手打交道时。
Achieving these goals requires commitment, perseverance, and resources. Our Nation's intelligence community has the commitment and the perseverance--but it's up to us to provide the resources.
Mr. President, it is true that we no longer face a superpower threat in the form of the old Soviet Union.
But it is also true that we will still have to deploy and fight our military forces in the future to face threats or protect vital interests we can't even envision today.
Our smaller military forces are more, not less dependent upon intelligence. Deeper cuts in intelligence will further diminish our capabilities and might place deployed U.S. forces at risk.
总统先生，智能有时是削减支出的容易目标，因为它的失败经过广泛讨论 - 但其成功是保持安静的，以保护关键来源和机密方法。
So I urge my colleagues, Mr. President, to resist this easy target and oppose the Bumpers amendment.
如果我们采用保险杠修正案 -
We curtail collection on some high priority targets;
We defer the improvements that Desert Storm showed we needed; and
我们远远超出了有意义的削减。
I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment, and I yield the floor.
主审官。The Senator from Hawaii is recognized.
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Inouye先生。总统先生，根据该协议，我搬到了保险杠修正案中，我要求耶斯和反对。
主审官。Is there a sufficient second?
有足够的第二。
The yeas and nays were ordered.
主审官。问题发生在参议员从阿肯色州参议员提出的参议员到桌子修正案1041的动议。
On this question, the yeas and nays have been ordered, and the clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk called the roll.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from California (Mrs.Feinstein]一定是不存在的。
主持人（夫人默里）。会议厅中还有其他参议员希望投票吗？
The result was announced--yeas 64, nays 35, as follows:
So the motion to lay on the table the amendment (No. 1041) was agreed to.
米切尔先生。Madam President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Inouye先生。I move to lay that motion on the table.
同意放在桌子上的动议。
主审官。The majority leader.
米切尔先生。Madam President, pursuant to the--may we have order, Madam President?
主审官。The Senate will be in order in order for the majority leader to be heard.
[Page: S13418]
END